We need less politicking and more approvals for major energy projects
Canadians increasingly agree that our country's full economic potential and energy independence will be unleashed only if more nation-building projects are approved — and quickly.
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This includes pipelines, which a majority of Canadians in every province — including Quebec — now support. A February SOM-La Presse poll showed support for Energy East in Quebec at 59 per cent (with 22 per cent against). MEI polling done before the trade conflict with the U.S. showed 49 per cent support in Quebec (with 28 per cent against) for building new pipelines to tidewater on either coast.
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Canada is long overdue for a project approval process that is swift by default. Importantly, Bill C-5, the One Canadian Economy Act, stipulates that major projects in the national interest will be approved in less than two years. The 20 projects currently languishing in the federal environmental approvals process have, on average, taken much longer than that.
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Bill C-5 can potentially override or limit the application of the federal Impact Assessment Act, formerly Bill C-69 (the 'no more pipelines bill'), and for good reason: it was ruled unconstitutional in 2023 by the Supreme Court of Canada, which agreed with the Alberta Court of Appeal that the act took a 'wrecking ball' to exclusive provincial jurisdiction over natural resources, guaranteed under the Constitution.
However, it's important to note that the IAA — which ironically was also once promoted as a 'one-stop shop' to 'speed up the approval of major projects' — has not been repealed, along with other harmful, anti-investment federal regulations, including the Clean Electricity regulations and the oil and gas emissions cap.
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Adding to the uncertainty, provinces (and Indigenous rights holders) appear to have a veto under Bill C-5. Initially, Prime Minister Mark Carney suggested that he and certain ministers have the 'authority' to unilaterally designate major project approvals and set development conditions. Energy Minister Tim Hodgson said cabinet will not discuss what projects are being fast-tracked until they are 'finalized.'
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However, when a reporter recently asked Carney, 'If there's a pipeline project you believe is in the national interest, but Quebec or British Columbia don't want it, are you going to push it through?' Carney answered, 'No, we need to have consensus from all provinces and Indigenous peoples.'
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Last week, Carney said it was 'highly likely' that a pipeline would make its way onto his government's to-do list of nation-building projects. However, he added that he couldn't guarantee it, given that proposals must come from the private sector.
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A long-delayed and controversial liquefied natural gas (LNG) pipeline and export terminal in northern British Columbia is now officially back on track and promoted as a new opportunity for Indigenous economic development. However, a report released last week warns that the risks — to land, community and even investors — are far greater than the promised benefits. The Prince Rupert Gas Transmission (PRGT) pipeline and Ksi Lisims LNG terminal are poised to export up to 12 million tonnes of LNG annually, much of it destined for Asian markets. The pipeline's route cuts through Gitxsan and Tsimshian territories, but many hereditary leaders and community members remain opposed. Janna Wale, who is a Gitxsan community member and co-author of the new Yellowhead Institute report said the dominant narrative portraying LNG projects as straightforward economic opportunities overlooks significant realities. 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Environmental and social concerns The report highlights how the floating LNG terminals and associated infrastructure will threaten marine ecosystems through dredging that destroys coral reefs and oyster beds, underwater noise pollution and shipping operations that produce significant greenhouse gas emissions. 'It really is a watershed of impacts. When you start to impact one part of that system, the rest of the ecosystem will be impacted as well. These cascading effects are especially concerning as climate change stresses these environments,' Wale said. The pipeline crosses two of British Columbia's largest salmon-producing river systems, requiring clear-cutting through major waterways and drilling beneath critical spawning habitats. Wale warned the pipeline will bisect important salmon runs, huckleberry patches and moose habitat critical to Indigenous food security and cultural practices. Despite this, the pipeline's approval relies on a permit granted in 2014. In June, British Columbia's Environmental Assessment Office ruled construction was 'substantially started,' allowing developers to move forward without a new review. This permit bypasses contemporary environmental standards, even as climate impacts worsen — raising concerns among conflicting Indigenous voices. Socially, resource hub towns such as Terrace are expected to face higher housing and food costs and overwhelmed health services. 'There will be 1,200 people in a man camp just a kilometer away … our health care system here is hanging on by its threads, and we're going to be bringing in over 1,000 workers into a tiny community,' said Gina Mowatt, a Gitxsan member. The influx of transient workers in 'man-camps' also raises worries about increased risks of sexual violence toward Indigenous women, a pattern linked to such developments. Beyond these risks, the report details uncertainty linked to BC's shifting LNG policy. The 2024 commitment to 'net-zero ready' LNG projects by 2030 still allows ongoing fossil gas use if electricity isn't yet available, meaning emissions will persist and put additional strain on local environments. Rifts between Indigenous nations While the Nisga'a Nation has actively invested in and supported the project, many hereditary leaders and community members of the Gitxsan and Tsimshian nations oppose it, asserting they never gave free, prior and informed consent. King warned that this dynamic revives a colonial 'divide and develop' tactic that pits Indigenous Nations against one another. 'There are plenty of opportunities for First Nations to negotiate with BC or Ontario or Canada, but fewer opportunities for nations to negotiate and undertake this type of diplomacy amongst themselves and I think that's by design,' he said. 'I don't think Canada wants nations to be working together. I think they want them to be divided.' He said the governments and corporations cultivate division by labeling communities that support resource development as 'the good Indians' while portraying resisting groups as 'the bad Indians.' This 'cleavage that's created and cast,' King said, mainly benefits external actors and undermines Indigenous governance, long-standing diplomatic relations and collective power. He said the approval process itself risks deepening these divisions by advancing consultation and consent with only select Indigenous groups, while excluding others is further fracturing Indigenous unity. Mowatt frames the conflict as a struggle between Indigenous communities and external actors, rather than a dispute within Indigenous nations. '[Instead] the war is against PRGT; the war is against these massive international corporations that are coming into our territory, every intention to destroy our lives here,' Mowatt said. As the project moves forward amid fractured consent and complex risks, the social and environmental stakes continue to weigh on the communities whose lives and lands intersect with the pipeline's path. 'We need the whole picture … it's about the legacy left for future generations, and who actually gets to decide what that legacy will be,' Wale said.
