Amara Walker Departing CNN as Anchor and Correspondent
CNN is losing another longtime news anchor.
Amara Walker, co-anchor of CNN This Morning Weekend, is leaving after more than a decade with the network, TVLine has confirmed.
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'In Amara's more than 10-year distinguished and award-winning career at CNN, she has helmed numerous breaking news stories from the anchor desk and reported from the field on major events across the U.S,' a CNN spokesperson said in a statement to TVLine. 'She's been a wonderful and deeply respected colleague at CNN. We know she will continue to find success in her new pursuits.'
'I've decided to seize on this moment of change in our industry and take a hiatus from TV news,' Walker added in a statement to Deadline, which broke the news of her departure. 'I'm a journalist at heart, but I have other professional passions as well. The timing couldn't be better to embark on the next chapter. I have other professional goals that I haven't been able to pursue given my full-time commitment to a breaking news TV schedule. I'm excited about all that is to come and the opportunities that lie ahead.'
Walker joined the cable network in 2013 as an anchor for CNN International and hosts CNN Newsroom for CNN Max, alongside CNN This Morning Weekend. Throughout her career as a correspondent, Walker has covered a number of international crises and breaking news events around the world. In 2024, she won an Emmy for her coverage on the Israel-Hamas war and said to Deadline it was the 'icing on the cake' in her decision to step back from CNN.
Walker co-hosted CNN This Morning Weekend with Victor Blackwell, but plans for her potential replacement have yet to be announced.
Along with Walker, Jim Acosta also confirmed his departure from CNN after Wolf Blitzer's long-running evening program, The Situation Room, took over his morning CNN Newsroom time slot.
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After we walked past glass cases displaying the ICRC's three Nobel peace prizes and handwritten copperplate reproductions of the Geneva Conventions, she warned that "we are hollowing out the very rules that protect the fundamental rights of every human being". Gaza now worse than hell on earth, humanitarian chief tells BBC We sat down to talk in a room with one of Europe's most serene views: the tranquillity of Lake Geneva and the magnificent sprawl of the Mont-Blanc massif. But for Ms Spoljarić, constantly aware of the ICRC's role as custodian of the Geneva Conventions, the view beyond the Alps and across the Mediterranean to Gaza is alarming. She has been in Gaza twice this year and says that it is worse than hell on earth. "Humanity is failing in Gaza," Ms Spoljarić told me. "It is failing. We cannot continue to watch what is happening. It's surpassing any acceptable, legal, moral, and humane standard. The level of destruction, the level of suffering." More importantly, she says, the world is watching an entire people, the Palestinians, being stripped of their human dignity. "It should really shock our collective conscience… It will haunt us. We are seeing things happening that will make the world an unhappier place far beyond the region." I asked her about Israel's justification that it is acting in self-defence to destroy a terrorist organisation that attacked and killed its people on 7 October. "It is no justification for a disrespect or for a hollowing out of the Geneva Conventions," she said. "Neither party is allowed to break the rules, no matter what, and this is important because, look, the same rules apply to every human being under the Geneva Convention. "A child in Gaza has exactly the same protections under the Geneva Conventions as a child in Israel." Mirjana Spoljarić spoke quietly, with intense moral clarity. The ICRC considers itself a neutral organisation; in wars it tries to work even-handedly with all sides. She was not neutral about the rights all human beings should enjoy, and is deeply concerned that those rights are being damaged by the disregard of the rules of war in Gaza. On the evening of 7 October 2023, while Israel's troops were still fighting to drive Hamas invaders out of its border communities, Benjamin Netanyahu delivered a brief video address to the Israeli people and the watching world. Speaking from Israel's military command centre in the heart of Tel Aviv, he chose words that would reassure Israelis and induce dread in their enemies. They were also a window into his thinking about the way that the war should be fought, and how Israel would defend its military choices against criticism. The fate of Hamas was sealed, he promised. "We will destroy them and we will forcefully avenge this dark day that they have forced on the State of Israel and its citizens. "All of the places which Hamas is deployed, hiding and operating in, that wicked city, we will turn them into rubble." Netanyahu praised allies who were rallying around Israel, singling out the US, France and the UK for their "unreserved support". He had spoken to them, he said, "to ensure freedom of action". But in war freedom of action has legal limits. States can fight, but it must be proportionate to the threat that they face, and civilian lives must be protected. "You're never entitled to break the law," says Janina Dill, professor of global security at Oxford University's Blavatnik School. "How Israel conducts this war is an entirely separate legal analysis… The same, by the way, is true in terms of resistance to occupation. October 7 was not an appropriate exercise [by Hamas] of the right of resistance to occupation either. "So, you can have the overall right of self-defence or resistance. And then how you exercise that right is subject to separate rules. And having a really good cause in war legally doesn't give you additional licence to use additional violence. "The rules on how wars are conducted are the rules for everybody regardless of why they are in the war." What a difference time and death make in war. Twenty months after Netanyahu's speech, Israel has exhausted a deep reservoir of goodwill and support among many of its friends in Europe and Canada. Israel always had its critics and enemies. The difference now is that some countries and individuals who consider themselves friends and allies no longer support the way Israel has been fighting the war. In particular, the restrictions on food aid that respected international assessments say have brought Gaza to the brink of famine, as well as a growing stack of evidence of war crimes against Palestinian civilians. "I'm shaken to my core," Jan Egeland, the veteran head of the Norwegian Refugee Council and former UN humanitarian chief, told me. "I haven't seen a population like this being so trapped for such a long period of time in such a small, besieged area. Indiscriminate bombardment, denied journalism, denied healthcare. "It is only comparable to the besieged areas of Syria during the Assad regime, which led to a uniform Western condemnation and massive sanctions. In this case, very little has happened." Americans used to be steadfast in their support for Israel. Those days are gone Syrians have more freedom after Assad, but could they soon lose it? North and South Korea are in an underground war - Kim Jong Un might now be winning But now the UK, France and Canada want an immediate halt to Israel's latest offensive. On 19 May, prime ministers Sir Keir Starmer and Mark Carney, and President Emmanuel Macron, stated, "We have always supported Israel's right to defend Israelis against terrorism. But this escalation is wholly disproportionate… We will not stand by while the Netanyahu Government pursues these egregious actions." Sanctions may be coming. The UK and France are actively discussing the circumstances in which they would be prepared to recognise Palestine as an independent state. Netanyahu quoted from a poem by Hayim Nahman Bialik, Israel's national poet, in his TV speech to the Israeli people on 7 October as they wrestled with fear, anger and trauma. He chose the line: "Revenge for the blood of a little child has yet to be devised by Satan." It comes from In the City of Slaughter, which is widely regarded as the most significant Hebrew poem of the 20th Century. Bialek wrote it as a young man in 1903, after he had visited the scene of a pogrom against Jews in Kishinev, a town then in imperial Russia and now called Chişinǎu, the capital of present-day Moldova. Over three days, Christian mobs murdered 49 Jews and raped at least 600 Jewish women. Antisemitic brutality and killing in Europe was a major reason why Zionist Jews wanted to settle in Palestine to build their own state, in what they regarded as their historic homeland. Their ambition clashed with the desire of Palestinian Arabs to keep their land. Britain, the colonial power, did much to make their conflict worse. By 1929 Vincent Sheean, an American journalist, was describing Jerusalem in a way that is grimly familiar to reporters there almost a century later. "The situation here is awful," he wrote. "Every day I expect the worst." He added that violence was in the air, "The temperature rose – you could stick your hand out in the air and feel it rising." Sheean's account of the 1920s illustrates the conflict's deep root system in the land that Israelis and Palestinians both want and have not found a way, or a will, to share or separate. Palestinians see a direct line between the Gaza war and the destruction of their society in 1948 when Israel became independent, which they call the Catastrophe. But Netanyahu, and many other Israelis and their supporters abroad connected the October attacks to the centuries of persecution Jews suffered in Europe, which culminated with Nazi Germany killing six million Jews in the Holocaust. Netanyahu used the same references to hit back when Macron said in May that the Israeli blockade of Gaza was "shameful" and "unacceptable". Netanyahu said that Macron had "once again chosen to side with a murderous Islamist terrorist organisation and echo its despicable propaganda, accusing Israel of blood libels". The blood libel is a notorious antisemitic trope that goes back to medieval Europe, falsely accusing Jews of killing Christians, especially children, to use their blood in religious rituals. After a couple who worked for the Israeli embassy in Washington DC were shot dead, the gunman told police, "I did it for Palestine, I did it for Gaza." Netanyahu connected the murders with the criticisms of Israel's conduct made by the leaders of the UK, France and Canada. In a video posted on X, he declared: "I say to President Macron, Prime Minister Carney and Prime Minister Starmer: When mass murderers, rapists, baby killers and kidnappers thank you, you're on the wrong side of justice. You're on the wrong side of humanity, and you're on the wrong side of history. "For 18 years, we had a de facto Palestinian state. It's called Gaza. And what did we get? Peace? No. We got the most savage slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust." Netanyahu has also referred to the long history of antisemitism in Europe when warrants calling for his arrest, along with his former defence minister Yoav Gallant, who was defence minister for the first 13 months of the war, were issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. The court had also issued arrest warrants for three Hamas leaders, including Yahya Sinwar, considered the mastermind behind 7 October. All three have since been killed by Israel. A panel of ICC judges decided that there were "reasonable grounds" to believe that Netanyahu and Gallant bore criminal responsibility. "As co-perpetrators for committing the acts jointly with others: the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts." In a defiant statement, Netanyahu rejected "false and absurd charges". He compared the ICC to the antisemitic conspiracy that sent Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish officer in the French army, to the penal colony on Devil's Island for treason in 1894. Dreyfus, who was innocent, was eventually pardoned but the affair caused a major political crisis. "The antisemitic decision of the International Criminal Court is a modern Dreyfus trial – and will end the same way," the statement said. "No war is more just than the war Israel has been waging in Gaza since October 7th 2023, when the Hamas terrorist organisation launched a murderous assault and perpetrated the largest massacre against the Jewish People since the Holocaust." British barrister Helena Kennedy KC was on a panel that was asked by the ICC's chief prosecutor to assess the evidence against Netanyahu and Gallant. Baroness Kennedy and her colleagues, all distinguished jurists, decided that there were reasonable grounds to go ahead with the warrants. She rejects the accusation that the court and the prosecutor were motivated by antisemitism. "We've got to always remember the horrors that the Jewish community have suffered over centuries," she told me at her chambers in London. "The world is right to feel a great compassion for the Jewish experience." But a history of persecution did not, she said, give Israel licence to do what it's doing in Gaza. "The Holocaust has filled us all with a high sense of guilt, and so it should because we were complicit. But it also teaches us the lesson that we mustn't be complicit now when we see crimes being committed. "You have to conduct a war according to law, and I'm a firm believer that the only way that you ever create peace is by behaving in just ways, and justice is fundamental to all of this. And I'm afraid that we're not seeing that." Stronger words came from Danny Blatman, an Israeli historian of the Holocaust and head of the Institute of Contemporary Jewry at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Prof Blatman, who is the son of Holocaust survivors, says that Israeli politicians have for many years used the memory of the Holocaust as "a tool to attack governments and public opinion in the world, and warn them that accusing Israel of any atrocities towards the Palestinians is antisemitism". The result he says is that potential critics "shut their mouths because they're afraid of being attacked by Israelis, by politicians as antisemites". Lord Sumption, a former justice of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, believes Israel should have learned from its own history. "The terrible Jewish experience of persecution and mass killing in the past should give Israel a horror of inflicting the same things on other peoples." History is inescapable in the Middle East, always present, a storehouse of justification to be plundered. Israel could not wage war in Gaza using its chosen tactics without American military, financial and diplomatic support. President Donald Trump has shown signs of impatience, forcing Netanyahu to allow a few cracks in the siege that has brought Gaza to the edge of famine. Netanyahu himself continues to express support for Trump's widely condemned proposal to turn Gaza into "the Riviera of the Mediterranean", by emptying it of Palestinians and turning it over to the Americans for redevelopment. That is code for the mass expulsion of Palestinians, which would be a war crime. Netanyahu's ultra-nationalist allies want to replace them with Jewish settlers. Trump himself seems silent about the plan. But the Trump administration's support for Israel, and its actions in Gaza, looks undiminished. On 4 June, the US vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling for an "unconditional and permanent" ceasefire, the release of all the hostages and the lifting of restrictions on humanitarian aid. The other 14 members voted in favour. The next day the Americans sanctioned four judges from the ICC in retaliation for the decision to issue arrest warrants. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he was protecting the sovereignty of the US and Israel against "illegitimate actions". "I call on the countries that still support the ICC, many of whose freedom was purchased at the price of great American sacrifices to fight this disgraceful attack on our nation and Israel." Instead the ICC has had statements of support and solidarity from European leaders. A broad and increasingly bitter gap has opened up between the US and Europe over the Gaza war, and over the legitimacy of criticising Israel's conduct. Israel and the Trump administration reject the idea that the laws of war apply equally to all sides, because they claim it implies a false and wrong equivalence between Hamas and Israel. Jan Egeland can see the split between Europe and the US growing. "I hope now that Europe will grow a spine," he says. "There have been new tones, finally, coming from London, from Berlin, from Paris, from Brussels, after all these months of industrial-scale hypocrisy where they didn't see that there was a world record in killed aid workers, in killed nurses, in killed doctors, in killed teachers, in killed children, and all while journalists like yourself have been denied access, denied to be witnessing this. "It's something that the West will learn to regret really — that they were so spineless." The question of whether Israel is committing genocide in Gaza outrages Israel and its supporters, led by the United States. Lawyers who believe the evidence does not support the accusation have stood up to oppose the case brought by South Africa at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) alleging genocide against Palestinians. But it will not go away. The Netanyahu loyalist Boaz Bismuth answered the genocide question like this. "How can you accuse us of genocide when the Palestinian population grew, I don't know how many times more? How can you accuse me of ethnic cleansing when I'm moving [the] population inside Gaza to protect them? How can you accuse me when I lose soldiers in order to protect my enemies?" It is hard to prove genocide has happened; the legal bar prosecutors have to clear has been set deliberately high. But leading lawyers who have spent decades assessing matters of legal fact to see if there is a case to answer believe it is not necessary to wait for the process started in January last year by South Africa to make a years-long progress through the ICJ. We asked Lord Sumption, the former Supreme Court justice, for his opinion. "Genocide is a question of intent," he wrote. "It means killing, maiming or imposing intolerable conditions on a national or ethnic group with intent to destroy them in whole or in part. "Statements by Netanyahu and his ministers suggest that the object of current operations is to force the Arab population of Gaza to leave by killing and starving them if they stay. These things make genocide the most plausible explanation for what is now happening." South Africa based much of its genocide case against Israel on inflammatory language used by Israeli leaders. One example was the biblical reference Netanyahu used when Israel sent troops into Gaza, comparing Hamas to Amalek. In the Bible God commands the Israelites to destroy their persecutors, the Amalekites. Another was Defence Minister Yoav Gallant's declaration just after the Hamas attacks when he ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip: "There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed. We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly." Ralph Wilde, UCL professor of law, also believes there is proof of genocide. "Unfortunately, yes, and there is now no doubt legally as to that, and indeed that has been the case for some time." He points out that an advisory opinion of the ICJ has already determined that Israel's presence in Gaza and the West Bank was illegal. Prof Wilde compares Western governments' responses to the war in Gaza to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. "There has been no court decision as to the illegality of Russia's action in Ukraine. Nonetheless, states have found it possible already to make public proclamations determining the illegality of that action. There is nothing stopping them doing that in this case. "And so, if they are suggesting that they are going to wait, the question to ask them is, why are you waiting for a court to tell you what you already know?" Helena Kennedy KC is "very anxious about the casual use of the word genocide and I avoid it myself because I do think that there has to be a very high level in law, a very level of intent necessary to prove it". "Are we saying that it's not genocide but it is crimes against humanity? You think that makes it sound okay? Terrible crimes against humanity? I think we're in the process of seeing the most grievous kind of crimes taking place. "I do think we're on a trajectory that could very easily be towards genocide, and as a lawyer I think that there's certainly an argument that is being made strongly for that." Baroness Kennedy says her advice to the British government if it was asked for would be, "We've got to be very careful about being complicit in grievous crimes ourselves." Eventually, a ceasefire will come. It will not end the conflict, or head off the certainty of a long and bitter epilogue. The genocide case at the ICJ guarantees that. So do the International Criminal Court's arrest warrants against Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant. Once journalists and war crimes investigators can get into the Gaza Strip, they will emerge with more hard facts about what has happened. Those who have been into Gaza with the UN or medical teams say that even people who have seen many wars find it hard to grasp the extent of the damage; so many islands of human misery in an ocean of rubble. I keep thinking about something an Israeli officer said the only time I've been into Gaza since the war started. I spent a few hours in the ruins with the Israeli army, one month into the war, when it had already made northern Gaza into a wasteland He started telling me how they did their best to not to fire on Palestinian civilians. Then he trailed off, and paused, and told me no-one in Gaza could be innocent because they all supported Hamas. BBC InDepth is the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.
