
What the Asian Tigers can teach Trump
second inauguration speech that his role model is neither Franklin D. Roosevelt nor Theodore Roosevelt but William McKinley. The current US president's admiration for the 25th president is often associated with the high McKinley Tariff of 1890. This was passed when Benjamin Harrison was president and McKinley was still an Ohio congressman. But as president of a rapidly industrialising United States, McKinley actually moderated his stance on tariffs.
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Trump's fascination with McKinley is perhaps shaped by his other, sometimes overlooked, legacy. McKinley presided over the US' largest territorial expansion outside North America. After the Spanish-American War of 1898, the US gained control of Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines, before annexing Hawaii in 1900.
Under the Treaty of Paris signed in 1898, the US paid Spain US$20 million for the Philippines. This could be the historic precedent for Trump's proposal to
buy Greenland from Denmark.
Leaving aside the merits, costs or feasibility of territorial expansion, making America greater in area may be the most coherent part of Trump's vision. With regard to manufacturing, it is questionable whether it can be revived through
tariffs . Unlike in East Asia, the election cycle of the US is not conducive to consistent, successful industrial policy.
But can Trump really go down in the annals of American history as the president who made America bigger? While once the US acquired territory from the declining Spanish empire, it now faces a formidable rising power in China. Is territorial expansion even wise in this day and age?
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South China Morning Post
19 minutes ago
- South China Morning Post
Zelensky gifts Trump a golf club owned by Ukraine war veteran
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South China Morning Post
12 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
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AllAfrica
14 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Trump's Putin, Zelensky talks chiefly served Russian aims
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In this regard, the meeting was far more useful for Putin and Russia than Ukraine and its allies. Putin managed to stoke tensions, and potentially divisions, among Ukraine's principal supporters by not including Ukraine in the summit. No other countries participated in the summit. This format caused considerable consternation in Ukraine, where it was feared that Trump would make an agreement without Ukrainian consent, as well as in Europe, where Russian aggression and revisionism is a more direct threat. Prior to Trump assuming power for a second time in 2025, Ukraine benefited from a largely united front among NATO and the European Union. This unity has declined over the last several months, and the Alaska summit reinforced this decline to Russia's benefit. Putin and his negotiators managed to obtain a major concession from Trump at the summit as Trump renounced his own recent calls for a ceasefire. For Ukraine and its allies, achieving a ceasefire was a fundamental requirement for any peace negotiations in 2025. This precondition has become more significant as Russia ramps up its attacks on Ukrainian cities and civilians. Lastly, the very nature of the Alaska meeting itself helped legitimize Russia in international opinion. Since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russia has courted international opinion. It's been more successful than most people in Europe and North America realize, as significant portions of Asia, Africa and Latin America remain ambivalent or even support Russia in its war against Ukraine. Nonetheless, Russia was always restrained by the condemnation it received from multiple international organizations, most notably the United Nations and the International Criminal Court. Trump welcoming Putin on American soil, when the Russian leader is under what amounts to a de facto travel ban by the International Criminal Court, undermines these institutions' condemnations. The benefits that Putin obtained from Trump in Alaska demanded an immediate response by Ukraine. President Volodymyr Zelensky promptly arranged a White House meeting with Trump in the aftermath of the Alaskan summit. And he didn't arrive alone: European leaders accompanied him to show solidarity with Ukraine. Secretary of State Marco Rubio insisted the European leaders weren't on hand to prevent Trump from bullying Zelensky, as occurred during their last Oval Office meeting. That's probably only partly true. Several European leaders — ranging from the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, to French President Emmanuel Macron — almost assuredly accompanied Zelensky to prevent Trump from forcing the Ukrainian leader into concessions that are detrimental to their interests as well. Trump's pre-meeting social media post undoubtedly heightened their concerns. In the post, he placed the burden of peace on Zelensky and argued that Ukraine must accept the loss of Crimea and never accede to NATO. Ukrainian officials sought to carefully orchestrate Zelensky's one-on-one Oval Office meeting with Trump. Zelensky wore a suit and delivered a letter from the Ukrainian first lady to Melania Trump. These and other efforts aimed to stroke Trump's ego, and the president's response — in particular, agreeing with a reporter that Zelensky 'look(ed) fabulous' in a suit — suggests it was a success. The same American reporter criticized Zelensky for failing to don a suit during his ill-fated February White House visit. Notably, Trump did not rule out a role for American soldiers in helping to maintain peace in Ukraine during the meeting. Outside observers believe an American presence in Ukraine to maintain any eventual peace is a fundamental requirement for its success. Unfortunately, while Trump did not immediately oppose the idea, he did not make any firm commitment either. Trump's propensity to reverse course on statements that he makes at the moment, furthermore, undermines any firm takeaways from the meeting. Any direct American involvement in Ukraine would also undermine his support among his political base. One of Trump's key campaign promises was not to involve the US in 'endless foreign wars.' A move by Trump to deploy American soldiers to Ukraine would be politically tenuous, as fractures are already emerging among his political base over his handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files. Trump's cordial meetings with Zelensky and European leaders may fuel hope among Ukraine's supporters in the coming days. But any optimism should be tempered by the damage done by Trump's meeting with Putin. Trump reportedly interrupted the meetings in Washington to call Putin. Trump's unwillingness to make firm commitments at the meetings with Zelensky and European leaders means that Russia, on balance, has succeeded in advancing its interests to the detriment of Ukraine and the prospects for a long-term, sustainable peace. James Horncastle is assistant professor and Edward and Emily McWhinney professor in international relations, Simon Fraser University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.