
40m Americans at risk of having no water as vital source is VANISHING... see if your hometown is in danger
Water in the Colorado River Basin, a vital source for over 40 million people, has vanished at an alarming pace over the past 20 years, a new study has found.
The Colorado River Basin spans over 246,000 square miles and supplies water to seven US states, including Colorado, New Mexico, Wyoming, Arizona, Nevada, and California.
Researchers used more than two decades of satellite data to track water loss in the region.
Between April 2002 and October 2024, the basin lost more than 13 trillion gallons of freshwater that is nearly two-thirds of it from underground reserves.
Since 2003, nearly 28 million acre-feet of groundwater roughly the full capacity of Lake Mead has depleted, driven by unregulated pumping and drought.
They used data from NASA to monitor underground water loss.
It shows that since 2015, the groundwater has been depleting 2.4 times faster than surface water, marking a sharp acceleration in water loss.
The groundwater loss is driven largely by over-pumping in the Lower Colorado River Basin, particularly in Arizona, Nevada, and California where regulation is minimal or nonexistent.
Professor Jay Famiglietti, the study's senior from Arizona State University, said: 'Everyone in the US should be worried about it, because we grow a lot of food in the Colorado River Basin and that's food that's used all over the entire country.'
The Colorado River and its underground supply support everything from drinking water for cities like Los Angeles and Phoenix to massive agricultural operations growing water-heavy crops like alfalfa, much of which is exported.
'Over-pumping is the main cause of groundwater losses over the past 20 years,' Professor Famiglietti said. 'There's nothing illegal about it, it's just unprotected.'
The Colorado River Basin has long depended on snowmelt from the Rocky Mountains to refill its rivers, reservoirs, and aquifers.
But rising temperatures and droughts, driven by climate change, are shrinking snowpack and reducing surface water flow.
The decreasing supply of surface water is visually apparent throughout the region.
Lake Powell and Lake Mead have seen sharply falling levels, and the Colorado River's overall flow has diminished, a trend researchers say will likely continue if warming intensifies.
As surface water becomes less reliable, cities and farms are leaning more heavily on groundwater but that safety net is also collapsing.
'We used to say the Colorado River is the lifeblood of the western US,' Professor Famiglietti told The Guardian. 'Now it's becoming clear that groundwater is the lifeblood and it's vanishing.'
The study highlights that the Lower Basin including Arizona, Nevada, and parts of California has been hit hardest. Groundwater accounts for more than 71 percent of total water loss in that region.
Arizona in particular faces critical risk. Outside of designated management areas, groundwater pumping remains largely unregulated. As a result, wells are drying up, pumping costs are rising, and food security is under growing threat.
As groundwater vanishes, wells run dry, pumping costs rise, and food security is threatened.
About 80 percent of the Colorado River Basin's water goes to agriculture, supporting a $1.4 billion industry in Arizona alone, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
The new study conducted by Arizona State University offers one of the most detailed looks yet at water loss in the Colorado River Basin.
Since 2015, most of the Colorado River Basin's freshwater loss has been driven by aggressive groundwater pumping in Arizona, where the absence of statewide regulations outside designated Active Management Areas has allowed unchecked extraction for agriculture and growing urban demand.
The research used satellite-based gravity data to measure changes in total water storage including snow, surface water, soil moisture, and groundwater.
The Lower Basin, which includes Arizona, Nevada, and parts of California, was hit hardest, with groundwater making up more than 71 percent of its total water loss.
This isn't the first warning. Previous studies using NASA's data have documented steady groundwater declines in the region between 2003 and 2014.
But the latest research confirms that the pace of depletion has accelerated, especially since 2015.
The Colorado River's flow has dropped 13 percent below its 20th-century average in recent years, and if current warming trends continue, experts warn it could shrink by as much as 30 percent by mid-century.
States in the region were forced to reach a federal agreement in 2023 to limit water usage and try to protect the river's supply.
The more water that is lost from the river, Professor Famigletti told the Washington Post, 'the more pressure there's going to be on the groundwater' in the basin.
'And then,' he said, 'it becomes a ticking time bomb.'
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
The right is breaking ranks over Trump and his tariffs
Donald Trump's trade war has become his quagmire: legal, economic and political. On 28 May, the court of international trade ruled his tariffs exceeded his constitutional authority. Point by point, the decision decimated Trump's arguments as flimsy and false, implicitly castigated the Republican Congress for abdicating its constitutional responsibility, and reminded other courts, not least the supreme court, of the judicial branch's obligation to exercise its authority regardless of the blustering of the executive and the fecklessness of the legislative branches. Trump's tariffs, along with his withdrawal of active support for Ukraine and passivity toward his strongman father figure Vladimir Putin, have broken the western alliance, forcing the west to make its own arrangements with China, and cementing the idea for a generation to come that the United States is an untrustworthy and unstable partner. On the economic front, Trump's tariffs have already begun to increase inflation, shutter trade, devalue the dollar, and undermine manufacturing. They will soon create shortages of all sorts of goods, ruin small business, and force layoffs that bring about stagflation that has not been seen since the 1970s, which was then the result of an external oil shock, not self-harm. On 3 June, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development reported that as a result, principally, of Trump's tariffs, the US will suffer a decline in the rate of growth from what had been forecast this year. 'Lower growth and less trade will hit incomes and slow job growth,' the OECD stated. As a political matter, besides being unpopular, Trump's tariffs, in combination with his assaults on the institutions of civil and legal society, have drawn out the most intelligent and skillful members of the conservative legal establishment, who themselves have been some of the most crucial players in the rise of the right wing, to man the ramparts against him. These are not the familiar Never Trumpers, but newly engaged and potentially more dangerous foes. While corporate leaders uniformly abhor Trump's tariffs, they have stifled themselves into a complicit silence on the road to serfdom. But Trump's new enemies coming from the conservative citadel of the Federalist Society are filing brief after brief in the courts, upholding the law to halt his dictatorial march. Trump naturally cannot help but turn everything he touches into sordid scandal. After announcing his 'Liberation Day' tariffs, which tanked the stock market, Trump declared a pause during which he promised he would sign, seal and deliver 90 deals in 90 days. But he has announced only a deal with Britain. Most of the deals Trump has seen have been with the Trump Organization. Under the shadow of a threatened 46% tariff, Vietnam, after a visit from Eric Trump, granted a $1bn Trump Tower in Ho Chi Minh City and a $1.5bn golf club and resort near Hanoi with 'two championship golf courses,' relative crumbs alongside the billions the Trump family has accrued from across the Middle East, not to mention the $400m jet that his team solicited from Qatar to serve as his palatial Air Force One. Standing before the white marble plinth of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington national cemetery on Memorial Day, 26 May, after reading prepared remarks about 'our honored dead' to a gathering of Gold Star families, Donald Trump fell into a reverie about his divine destiny. 'I have everything,' he said. He spoke about the parade of troops and tanks he has ordered for 14 June, his 79th birthday, which happens to coincide with the date that George Washington created the Continental army. 'Amazing the way things work out. God did that, I believe that too. God did it.' Two days after Trump had mused about his election by heaven to possess 'everything', the court of international trade issued what the Wall Street Journal called the 'ruling heard 'round the world … proving again that America doesn't have a king who can rule by decree''. The US court of appeals for DC then temporarily stayed the ruling while it considered the case. But the trade court's decision to deny Trump his toys was comprehensive, blistering and devastating. Now, Trump's trade war is his Vietnam, a quagmire of his own. Trump's entire program dances on the head of his tariffs. By fiat, without congressional approval, he has willfully invoked the International Emergency Economic Powers Act as cover for his helter-skelter gyrations to reshape the global economy according to his desire for domination of the Earth. He has further explained that his tariffs are necessary to pay for the vast tax cuts for the wealthy in his budget bill that would increase deficits. He claims that the tariffs will replace the revenue raised from income tax, fixed in the constitution by the 16th amendment, ratified in 1913. Without tariffs on the scope he projects his dream house of cards collapses. With his tariffs even as his stated minimal goal he blows up the world. The court of international trade, a court based on specialized expertise, whose judges have lifetime appointments, flatly stated that Trump's use of the emergency law under which he claimed his authority does 'not permit the president to impose tariffs in response to balance-of-payments deficits', 'exceeds any tariff authority delegated to the president', 'would create an unconstitutional delegation of power', and is 'contrary to law'. Having ruled that Trump's worldwide tariffs are illegal, the court deemed his 'trafficking tariffs' imposed on Canada and Mexico also lawless. Trump has asserted them on a contrived national security rationale of preventing the importation of fentanyl. But the court stated that Trump's 'use of tariffs as leverage … is impermissible not because it is unwise or ineffective but because … [the federal law] does not allow it'. Thus, the court concluded in both instances, 'the worldwide and retaliatory tariff orders exceed any authority granted to the president … to regulate importation by means of tariffs. The trafficking tariffs fail because they do not deal with the threats set forth in those orders.' The trade court's ruling suddenly exposed the extent to which Trump's relationship with the conservative legal movement is unraveling. The fissure runs deeper and wider than name-calling. Trump's trade war has morphed into a widespread civil war within the right with the core of the conservative legal establishment resisting him. Trump's venomous social media posts against Leonard Leo, the Federalist Society co- chairman and rightwing powerhouse, reads like a memoir of an ingenue taken advantage of in the big city by strangers. 'I was new to Washington,' Trump explained, 'and it was suggested that I use The Federalist Society as a recommending source on Judges. I did so, openly and freely, but then realized that they were under the thumb of a real 'sleazebag' named Leonard Leo, a bad person who, in his own way, probably hates America, and obviously has his own separate ambitions.' Slowly, Trump has come to the realization that this Leonard Leo 'openly brags how he controls Judges, and even Justices of the United States Supreme Court'. Trump was revealing that Leo understood his power beyond his influence over Trump on appointments. 'Backroom 'hustlers' must not be allowed to destroy our Nation!' He is victim of a con, Donald Chump. 'Talk about friendly fire,' editorialized the Wall Street Journal. But there was more to the story than Trump revealed, which the Journal's editorial page, Leonard Leo's friend in court as it were, happily provided. The judge on the trade court whom Trump appointed and blames on Leo, Timothy Reif, was in fact, according to the Journal, 'recommended to the White House by Robert Lighthizer, who was Mr Trump's first-term trade representative. Mr Leo had nothing to do with it.' Perhaps Trump is suffering from memory loss. Trump bellowed that the reason for the trade court's ruling must be 'purely a hatred of 'TRUMP'? What other reason could it be?' 'Well,' suggested the Journal, 'how about the law and the constitution?' After Leo had been the one to give Trump the names of the three justices he appointed to the supreme court who made possible the infamous decision granting him 'absolute immunity' for 'official acts' that enabled his evasion of prosecution during the 2024 campaign, this was a thick and rich ragu. The Journal also rushed to Leo's side with a podcast featuring John Yoo, who as deputy assistant attorney general under George W Bush and the author of the notorious Torture Memos. Yoo said it was 'truly outrageous to accuse Leonard Leo, one of the stalwarts or the conservative movement, of being something like a traitor'. Yoo stated: 'Why would President Trump turn his back on one of his greatest, if not his greatest achievements from the first term, appointing three justices?' Indeed, Yoo was right that Leo had dictated Trump's choices, exactly as Trump confessed. What neither disclosed is that it was the price Trump paid for a political armistice with the mighty rightwing Koch political operation. Some deal, some art. And Yoo added in an admission of truth-telling about the supreme court's invention of absolute presidential immunity for 'official acts': 'If it weren't for Federalist Society judges, he would be in jail right now because it was the Roberts court that said former presidents just can't be prosecuted for crimes.' But to Trump, the betrayal is cutting. The trade court's ruling against him echoed the amicus brief filed by a bipartisan group of legal eminences that included leading conservative lights. There was Steven Calabresi, professor at Northwestern Law School, the co-founder and co-chairman of the Federalist Society, and the chief theorist of the conservative doctrine of the 'unitary executive.' There was Michael W McConnell, former federal judge, Stanford law professor, and a chief defender of religious right lawsuits. There was Michael Mukasey, former federal judge and George W Bush's attorney general. There was Peter Wallison, President Reagan's White House counsel. They all signed the brief stating: 'The president's tariff proclamations bypass the constitutional framework that lends legitimacy and predictability to American lawmaking.' The breaking of ranks on the right is not isolated. Other well-known members of the conservative legal establishment have done more than submit an amicus brief. They have become counsels to some of the most important institutions in Trump's crosshairs – Harvard University, National Public Radio and the WilmerHale law firm. William Burck and Robert Hur are co-counsels representing Harvard in its suit against the Trump administration order denying its enrollment of international students unless the university submits to his draconian control over its academic processes. Burck, former deputy White House counsel to George W Bush and a current member of the board of directors of the Fox Corporation, is the head of 'one of a few top US firms that seemed well placed not only to avoid Donald Trump's wrath but also benefit from connections to the president's inner circle,' according to the Financial Times. He was hired to be an ethics adviser to the Trump Organization – that is, until he chose to represent Harvard. Trump ranted against him: 'Harvard is a threat to Democracy, with a lawyer, who represents me, who should therefore be forced to resign, immediately, or be fired. He's not that good, anyway, and I hope that my very big and beautiful company, now run by my sons, gets rid of him ASAP!' Eric Trump, who had previously called Burck 'one of the nation's finest and most respected lawyers', wielded the executioner's axe for his father. Hur had been appointed the US attorney for Maryland by Trump and served as the special counsel investigating President Biden's alleged mishandling of classified documents stored in boxes in his home's garage. Hur filed no charges, but said of Biden that he was 'a sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory'. In Harvard's suit against the Trump administration, Burck and Hur state that its actions against the university are 'a blatant violation of the first amendment, the due process clause, and the Administrative Procedure Act. It is the latest act by the government in clear retaliation for Harvard exercising its first amendment rights to reject the government's demands to control Harvard's governance, curriculum, and the 'ideology' of its faculty and students. The government's actions are unlawful for other equally clear and pernicious reasons.' For its representation in its suit against the Trump administration, which seeks to slash its funding, National Public Radio has hired Miguel Estrada, a star of the conservative legal firmament, whose nomination to the federal bench by George W Bush was blocked by Senate Democrats in 2002. According to the NPR complaint, Trump's action 'violates the expressed will of Congress and the first amendment's bedrock guarantees of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of association, and also threatens the existence of a public radio system that millions of Americans across the country rely on for vital news and information'. When Trump issued executive orders against big law firms that had somehow offended him, coercing their surrender to his whim, one of those firms, WilmerHale, subject to such an order for having had as a senior partner Robert Mueller, the former FBI director who headed the investigation into Russian influence in the 2026 election, did not cave. Instead, it hired Paul Clement, George W Bush's solicitor general, who has argued on behalf of many of the most controversial conservative causes before the supreme court, including against the Defense of Marriage Act and against the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare. Citing the example of John Adams, who defended British soldiers in the Boston Massacre, Clement argued against the Trump administration that 'British monarchs' practice of punishing attorneys 'whose greatest crime was to dare to defend unpopular causes' – which threatened to reduce lawyers to 'parrots of the views of whatever group wields governmental power at the moment' – helped inspire the Bill of Rights'. Then, Ed Whelan, who holds the Antonin Scalia Chair in Constitutional Studies at the rightwing Ethics and Public Policy Center, and is a close surrogate for Leonard Leo, savaged Trump's nomination of Emil Bove, who was his personal attorney in the New York hush money trial and whom he had appointed as deputy attorney general, to be a judge on the US court of appeals for the third circuit. Bove ordered corruption charges dropped against New York City mayor Eric Adams, which a federal judge said 'smacks of a bargain: dismissal of the indictment in exchange for immigration policy concessions'. The US attorney for Manhattan, Danielle Sassoon, a conservative Republican, resigned in protest, stating that the deal 'amounted to a quid pro quo' and that Bove had ordered her not to take notes during meetings. Seven members of the public integrity section of the justice department also resigned. Whelan, writing in the conservative magazine National Review, called Bove Trump's 'henchman', decried his 'bullying mishandling' of the Adams case, and suggested he might be put on the federal bench to 'position him well for the next supreme court vacancy. A rosier possibility is that Bove is tired of being Stephen Miller's errand boy.' Now, Trump is worried about what conservatives on the supreme court might rule when presented with the trade court's decision. He rails in private against Justice Amy Coney Barrett, whom he appointed to the cupreme court, for her unexpected occasional independence. The Journal, with the inside track, writes that 'the White House boasts it will win at the supreme court, but our reading of the trade court's opinion suggests the opposite. Mr Trump's three court appointees are likely to invoke the major-questions precedent' – which would uphold the trade court and force Trump either to bring his policy before the Congress or drop it. Trump is enraged that his betrayers from the Federalist Society have claimed roles in the resistance. He has no loyalty to anyone or thing, but demands personal fealty, certainly now above any ideological litmus tests. The only ideological tests are to be imposed on universities. Trump has learned his lesson. In his insistence on obedient judges, Trump is returning to his first principle as he was taught in the beginning by his mob attorney Roy Cohn, who said: 'Don't tell me what the law is, tell me who the judge is.' Sidney Blumenthal, a former senior adviser to President Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton, has published three books of a projected five-volume political life of Abraham Lincoln: A Self-Made Man, Wrestling With His Angel and All the Powers of Earth


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Democrats need to embrace economic populism to win back young voters, says advocacy group leader
Young people in the US are looking for Democrats to embrace economic populism and authentic candidates willing to fight for them, says the new leader of a group dedicated to youth voter mobilisation. Victoria Yang is the interim president and executive director of NextGen America, an organisation that engages young people through voter education and registration. She succeeds Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez, who held the post for four years. In an interview with the Guardian, Yang criticised Democrats for failing to grapple with daily cost-of-living concerns and urged the party to learn from Senator Bernie Sanders and congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's (AOC) focus on pocketbook issues. NextGen recently commissioned Tulchin Research to conduct six online focus groups with swing voters aged 18 to 26 in battleground states. The focus groups found the young voters were anxious about their financial future and the rising cost of housing, food and education. Many felt the system was rigged, with billionaires riding high and working people short of opportunities. These concerns ranked far higher than the war in Gaza or so-called 'woke' topics such as gender pronouns. Speaking by phone from Boston, Yang said: 'Right now what they're feeling is the everyday things that are affecting them: the cost of groceries, gas prices, paying for rent. That is the number one issue; we need to be focused on that. 'There's so many other issues as well but that's what our priority is: connecting with them on these issues and how, if they get involved and make their voices heard by voting, by volunteering, by signing petitions and fighting back, they're going to make the change that they want to see.' The focus groups praised progressives Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez for their willingness to fight and directly address economic concerns. But last year's Democratic presidential nominee, Kamala Harris, who moderated some of her policy positions during the campaign, was seen by many as inauthentic. 'What our focus group showed was that economic populism is still resonating with young people and their messaging was not. If you go to the grocery store and you're now paying $6 or $7 for a gallon of milk and you were paying $4, you're now having to stretch your dollars further, and those little incremental increases all add up. The house that you're trying to save for, or trying to pay for college, has a domino effect. 'The Democrats were not leaning into that. We need to be leaning into making sure that young people understand: we hear you, we see you, this is what we're trying to do and then laying out a plan for that.' Yang knows what she is fighting for. She was a small child when her family fled political persecution in Laos, spent time in a refugee camp in Thailand, then, 45 years ago, settled in southern California. 'I am living proof of the American dream and all the things that it holds. My mom, a single parent, put us through college and worked hard. I remember the struggles of having to figure out how to put food on the table. She did it as a waitress in a small Chinese restaurant.' She also knows her way around the Democratic party, having worked with the Obama Foundation's Girls Opportunity Alliance, Democratic National Committee and former senators John Kerry and Barbara Boxer. She takes over at NextGen at a moment when the party is embroiled in an identity crisis amid fears that young voters have veered to the right. Yang says NextGen's work shows the value of consistent engagement. In eight key states last year, 67% of the young voters that NextGen registered and communicated with regularly went on to cast a ballot, compared with 54% youth turnout nationally. The lesson for Democrats is that it is not enough to show up late and take young voters for granted. Yang continued: 'You can't expect that you're going to knock on young people's doors the last two or three months of the election and then say, you should vote for candidate A and B, when the whole time you've never spoken to them or engaged them. 'The message that we want to make sure people understand and the party understands is that you have to invest in young people. They're at the very beginning of their voting journey and they haven't developed the voting muscle yet. They have to be educated.' The focus groups found that TikTok was the dominant platform for this generation, and Instagram and YouTube are also very popular. Most participants do not seek out news but look to creators who are funny, authentic and able to make complicated subjects easier to understand. Yang commented: 'We have to make sure that we can help them understand what is at stake and talk to them authentically through the platforms and the way they want to be engaged. That's what this is all about.' Democrats failed in this objective, Yang argues, by arriving late and over-relying on traditional media. NextGen is exploring new methods, such as an artificial intelligence chatbot on community platforms such as Discord, and an explicitly non-partisan approach to encouraging voter registration. Much has been written about how Donald Trump outplayed Democrats by exploiting the 'manosphere', appealing to young men through rightwing influencers and podcasters. But Yang believes that economic imperatives eclipse gender, race or other variables. 'Inflation, tariffs, the cost of living – that resonates whether you're a man or woman, Black, brown, yellow or red. That's what will connect with young people. They might not identify with the Democratic party but the issues that are important to them resonate across all genders and all sectors.' Young voters favored Harris over Trump in the 2024 election by four percentage points, a much smaller margin than the 25-point advantage young voters gave Joe Biden over Trump in 2020, according to AP VoteCast data. Opinion polls suggest that the shift was especially pronounced among young men. Participants in NextGen's focus groups felt that Democratic party has lost touch with people it claims to represent. They described Democrats as weak, too willing to roll over and disconnected from everyday concerns. Some described Democrats as a 'mom', caring but overprotective, while Republicans were seen as a 'dad', assertive and focused on discipline and control. Only 36% of Americans view Democrats favourably, according to a new Economist/ YouGov poll, but Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez's Fighting Oligarchy Tour has been rallying big and enthusiastic crowds. Yang remains optimistic and hopeful for the future. 'Senator Sanders and AOC are talking on the issues. It's less about the party. It's less about even candidates or anything like that. It's an economic populist message and that is what they're leading with. The party is probably seeing that and getting the message but we still have to continue to engage and work on it.' Young people are persuadable, she added. 'Just because they voted maybe for Trump in this election doesn't mean that we don't have an opportunity to get them in the midterm, in the next presidential, if we meet them where they are, if we engage them all year round now until then. That's the key message.' Yang's commitment to economic justice, a social safety net and giving young people a fair shot was shaped by her own experience. As an immigrant, she benefited from government programmes such as welfare assistance, free school lunches and a Pell Grant, which provides federal aid for college students with exceptional financial needs. 'That helped to define me and brought me to this work. The country as a democracy has provided all these opportunities. I want to make sure that these policies continue so when folks need it they have a safety net but also be able to create a life. It was transformative in so many ways and now I get to sit here and have a conversation with you.'


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Rebel Wilson: ‘I always wanted to be like Judi Dench. But people like laughing at me'
What's been the most fun you've had on set? FrNthOldPitch Perfect, because it felt like theatre camp. We came together in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. It was like college: hanging out with my friends, having fun, not really acting. For four weeks we were in boot camp, where we'd dance and do conditioning in the mornings – so sit-ups, stretching and learning the choreography. In the afternoons, we'd learn our 10-part harmonies and go into the recording studio. Sometimes we were really dorky and said: on Friday we're all going to wear the same colour T-shirts, just to be like a squad. You've worked with Sir Derek Jacobi twice – in Juliet & Romeo, and the upcoming Tinsel Town. How was he? Derekj2210It was pretty cool to be in scenes with him. Even though we weren't doing the iambic pentameter, it was interesting to watch how the language fell off his tongue. We were filming in this medieval Italian church. It was zero degrees, but he was so easygoing: always telling stories, with this fun grandpa vibe. He's one of the most amazing Shakespearean actors ever: in his 80s, still crushing every line. I kept wanting to get selfies with him, because he really is one of the greats. I felt the same when I worked with Dame Judi Dench on Cats. When I started acting, I always wanted to be like Dame Judi, because I thought I was going to be a serious actor. It just turned out that people like laughing at me. She's like your grandma, in that you just want to hold her hand, and help her. She's also got a wicked sense of humour: she'd be throwing out jokes and cursing, which I thought was hilarious. There have been a few times I've had to pinch myself. I had to do a boot camp with Sir Ian McKellen for Cats; at one point we were crawling around on the floor, pretending to lick each other. It was so funny. What is it like being a guest on the Graham Norton Show? I enjoyed your rap and the way you took your heels off. VegansRuleThePlanetGraham Norton is such a master of the talkshow. Other talkshows can be a bit of a struggle, but with him, it really is just like having a chat. I did the rap because I was telling the story of when I was 11, I had a rap group with my sister, which was probably the most uncool thing ever, seeing as we were two white girls from Sydney. I took my shoes off because I'm terrible at doing anything in high heels. I do try to wear them to be classy on the night-time talkshows, but I'm terrible at moving in heels: I move like a shuffling wombat. You won $250,000 for charity on the US version of Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? Does this mean you're not such a Rebel Without a Cause? vammypWe had a great cause: the money sponsored a school in Tanzania, and helped put 40 kids through college. Some have already graduated. The medical students still send me video updates every six months. It's surreal that going on a gameshow for half an hour resulted in putting 40 kids through college in Africa. My heart rate was pumping because I wanted to win as much money for charity as I could. You think: oh my God, please don't be an idiot. I play a lot of dumb, stupid characters, but in real life, I do have two degrees – in theatre and performance studies, and law. I have a charitable connection to Africa because when I was 18, I did a gap year, and travelled from South Africa to Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. When I got to Mozambique, I got malaria really badly. We didn't have time to put up the mosquito nets and I woke up with my face covered in mosquito bites. Two weeks later, I was in hospital because it was a really bad strain. I don't know whether it was the disease or the drugs, but I was hallucinating really badly, and I hallucinated that I won an Academy Award. It was so visceral and real that I came out of hospital and said: 'Hey everyone, I think I'm going to become an actor now.' The South Africans were like: 'Ah, no, Rebel. The malaria has demented your brain.' My parents were pushing me into law school, so I did law by day and acting by night. Has your positive body transformation led to different scripts coming your way? BradLopez22In the movie I just shot in the UK, Tinsel Town, I play the love interest to Kiefer Sutherland, which is probably not at all the kind of role you'd think I'd get cast as. There was a tendency to think: she's no longer Fat Amy [from Pitch Perfect], so she can't play those characters any more. There was a little bit of: also, is she still funny? I've just been offered the lead in a horror movie. So it's not just comedies, musicals and romcoms. It's good to surprise people. Did I have a Greggs? [Sutherland is an outspoken fan, so Greggs sent a van to the set]. Yes. I enjoyed a sausage roll. Greggs gifted Kiefer and I a £50 VIP voucher, which I still have. You get four sausage rolls for the price of three as well. That's a lot of sausage rolls. Pitch Perfect: The Reunion ...? Any plans for a fourth instalment? writeronthestormOh God, I hope so. We hear rumours all the time. I know Universal is developing some scripts. The fanbase for Pitch Perfect is so awesome and keeps growing as younger people are introduced to it. So, hopefully – there's a huge desire for another movie. Marmite or Vegemite? TopTrampI'm actually a weird Australian: I don't eat Vegemite or Marmite. I don't know why. I just don't like the look of it. If I was putting something on toast, I'd put Nutella. What role challenged you most? HamesJoyceI did a very small movie called The Almond and the Seahorse, which we filmed up in Liverpool and north Wales, about traumatic brain injury. Because it was such an intense subject, you had to go from zero to 100 emotionally within the same scene. I was like: how am I gonna do this? But it turned out really well, and challenged me a lot more than roles like Fat Amy where I get to sing, dance and be goofy. Juliet & Romeo will screen in selected UK cinemas for one night only on 11 June