
Opposition parties likely to announce own preferred presidential candidate rather than agreed one
presidential election
rather than gather around an agreed candidate, a meeting of Opposition leaders has heard.
Opposition leaders met on Wednesday evening in Leinster House to discuss their approach to the election, which is likely to take place in late October or early November.
The meeting was attended by: Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald; acting Social Democrats leader Cian O'Callaghan; Labour leader Ivana Bacik; Paul Murphy from People Before Profit (PBP): and Roderic O'Gorman of the Green Party.
The Social Democrats and PBP indicated they were close to the end of their internal processes. Mr Murphy is understood to have told the meeting the party would likely endorse Independent TD Catherine Connolly if she declared her interest.
READ MORE
The Social Democrats are also close to completing their process and, while it has not been stated it publicly, it is likelythey would also be minded to back Ms Connolly.
Ms McDonald, Ms Bacik and Mr O'Gorman indicated their internal deliberations have yet to be completed and it could be late summer, or early autumn, before they declare their intentions.
The leaders did discuss leading candidates, with the Independent Senator Frances Black also being mentioned.
'I would say that Catherine Connolly is the front-runner at this stage,' said a source.
Ms Connolly has said she would keep an 'open mind' about running if she could 'unite the Opposition'.
The source saidit was likely that individual parties would nominate their preferred candidates and that it would then be up to other Opposition parties, who have not declared, to come on board at a later stage.
That happened in the 1990 election when Mary Robinson was endorsed by Labour, and later by Democratic Left. It also happened in 1997 when the Progressive Democrats announced several days after her nomination, that the party would support the Fianna Fáil candidate, Mary McAleese.
A person with knowledge of the meeting said that the Sinn Féin leader 'kept her cards close to her chest' and that Ms McDonald did not give an indication of what the party's intentions would be.
Mr O'Gorman also said his party was currently considering its position.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
Irish people support Palestinians because they recognise the settler colonial process at play
Settler colonialism describes how imperial states capture a territory, migrate there, displace or eliminate the 'barbarian' indigenous population and dominate its land and resources. Ireland was a pioneer settler colony of England, as was graphically documented in the recent four-part RTÉ documentary series , From That Small Island . Many of the imperial techniques used here in early modern times were replicated by the British Empire in North America, the Caribbean and later in Australia and New Zealand – and by others too, such as the French in Algeria. [ From that Small Island review: Colin Farrell sounds in pain, as if he pressed on despite urgently needing the loo Opens in new window ] But as Jane Ohlmeyer, one of the editors and principal contributors to the documentary points out in her book Making Empire, Ireland, Imperialism & The Early Modern World, 'colonisation was not a single occurrence but an iterative and durable process that impacted different parts of Ireland at different times'. Nonetheless, the agenda of scorched-earth reprisals against resistance, civilising barbarous savages and seizing land for improvement was first practised here – even though many people born in Ireland became soldiers, employees or governing agents of that empire in later times too. Applied to Zionism and Israel , the concept reveals a displacement logic against Palestinians in what one of Palestine 's principal historians, Rashid Khalidi , describes as a radical social engineering project in 'a colonial war waged against the indigenous population, by a variety of parties, to force them to relinquish their homeland to another people against their will'. READ MORE But he too recognises that Zionism 'was and is a very particular colonial project' – like British settler colonialism in Ireland, with which he draws parallels . Zionism relied on successive imperial powers and 'became over time a national confrontation between two national entities, two peoples', amplified by the profound resonance for Jews of the biblical connection to the historic land of Israel. That blinds many Bible-reading Protestants in Britain and the United States to the modernity of Zionism and its colonial nature: 'for how could Jews be 'colonising' the land where their religion began?' [ Jane Ohlmeyer: How Ireland served as a laboratory for the British empire Opens in new window ] This helps explain why settler colonialism is rejected as an explanatory framework by many Israeli historians, politicians and commentators. There are Irish parallels, particularly among unionists who say it distorts the complexities of their role in Irish history. However most Irish people support Palestinians because they recognise a similar process to be at play there as here, notwithstanding the nuances. Critical race theory (CRT) has developed in the US since the 1980s to explain the intersection of law, race and power in US society. It argues that through law, racism is historically embedded there. Like settler colonialism, CRT has been vilified and weaponised mainly by conservative activists who reject its premises and implications for the future of white power. The explicit and implicit links with Zionist defences of Israel against settler colonial theories have become a powerful political force in Trump's US, not least through the same Bible readers. Ireland comes into focus through the links between such offensive academic theories and everyday US politics. Official Ireland must take such arguments seriously since they are part of the explicit US Senate mandate given to the new US ambassador here, Edward Walsh. Jim Risch, the republican chairman of the Senate's foreign relations committee, said Ireland's recognition of the state of Palestine is a mistake , while Senator Ted Cruz attacked Ireland's support for the International Criminal Court's case against Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu. [ Fintan O'Toole: Ireland has a proud history of opposing anti-Semitism Opens in new window ] Since objective historical forces place Ireland in this dilemma, there is a limited extent to which canny diplomacy can play a part. The direct experience and memory of imperial violence, coercion and ideology informs Irish perceptions of similar behaviour from Netanyahu's Israel against Palestinians. Our political leaders recognise that, although their actions vary according to contemporary interests and values. Revisionist historians in Ireland applied scientific techniques to Ireland's nationalist historical mythologies of colonial oppression and heroic resistance, concentrating more on those than on the imperial behaviour that gave rise to them. In Israel, revisionist historians similarly interrogated that state's foundational myths. They framed Zionism as a settler colonial project responsible for the forcible expulsion of Palestinians during the 1948 war of independence. Some, such as Benny Morris , defend that as necessary for the Israeli state's survival. Both settler colonial and critical race theory have been validly criticised for portraying the societies they analyse as irredeemably divided – and therefore immune to coalitions of race, ethnic or class interests against the systems of power. Irish historians and citizens have absorbed the revisionist controversy and moved on to fashion a more sophisticated account of imperial power, colonisation and diverse peoples living together in Ireland's history, according to the RTÉ documentary. The same cannot be said for Israel's profoundly polarised debate on its future.


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
Who owns SuperValu? Don't ask Sinn Féin
Inflation overall has been slowing in recent months but there can be little doubt that the cost-of-living crisis is still very much real. It is perhaps most real when it comes to food prices. A pound of butter is €1.10 more expensive than a year ago, the Central Statistics Office said this week, for example, while two litres of milk costs 27 cent more than in June 2024. Therefore, it was reasonable that the Dáil would hold a debate on supermarket profits this week. These debates tend to follow a pattern, whatever the topic. Opposition deputies indignantly question Government policy and essentially ask what those in charge are 'going to do about it'. Government ministers reply that they are already doing lots of things to fix the problem. And so it goes. READ MORE Sinn Féin finance spokesman Pearse Doherty can be an especially strong Dáil performer, and can be very convincing in whatever he is saying. Yet he and his party colleagues appear to have been poorly prepared for this debate, or at least poorly advised. 'The stock prices of supermarkets and the large retailers and food companies have been going through the roof,' he told the chamber. 'They have been skyrocketing in recent times. Tesco's stock is up 30 per cent in the last year. United Natural Foods Inc., the owners of SuperValu , saw its stock price rise by 60 per cent in the last year.' Sinn Féin's Máire Devine followed soon after, noting an increase in 'SuperValu's stock by nearly 61 per cent.' Paul Donnelly , another Sinn Féin TD – notice a pattern here – later told the Dáil that 'United Natural Foods, owners of SuperValu, reported a turnover exceeding €5 billion for the first time, with profits of €104 million'. There's just one problem here. The SuperValu owned by United Natural Foods is a US supermarket chain that is not connected at all with SuperValu in Ireland. The Irish chain is owned by Cork-based Musgrave . This is basic stuff. Google 'supervalu owner' and the correct answer is clear. As anyone in media knows, getting one fact wrong can discredit an entire story. The same can be said for politics. Whatever the validity of the overall point Doherty, Devine or Donnelly were making, they showed that, at best, they weren't read up on what they were talking about. The price of food is a serious topic, it deserves to be taken seriously. Or, at the very least, be subject to a Google search.


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
‘We should be making homes, not units': Smaller apartments plan could lead to more planning delays and few savings, experts warn
'This is a dumbing-down of standards that should be about making homes, not units. I fear what kind of world we're making.' Architect Gerry Cahill, who has worked on social and affordable housing developments for more than 40 years, is not impressed by the new apartment guidelines issued by Minister for Housing James Browne on Tuesday. 'The fear is that if you create a society of one-bedrooms, where do you go from there? How do you make a family? It works to get you out of your parents' box room, but where next?' Cahill asks. The new guidelines allow for greater density and smaller units in apartment blocks, aimed at closing a viability gap between what they cost to build and what developers can sell them for. READ MORE They will 'get apartment-building moving' and 'ensure [they] are viable to build', Browne said on Tuesday. The guidelines reduce the minimum size of a studio apartment to 32sq m, down from 37sq m. There will also be no restrictions on the specific mix of units within a development. Previously the number of one-bedroom apartments or studios within any apartment scheme was restricted to 50 per cent, with no more than 25 per cent of the entire scheme allowed to be studios. Apartment complexes can also have fewer windows, and there will be more units using one lift. Graphic: Paul Scott The Department of Housing claims the changes will result in an average saving of between €50,000 - €100,000 per unit. But will it work in driving down costs and ramping up construction? And what could be the unintended consequences of this loosening of standards? Many discussions over the last number of days focused on how exactly the department came to this cost savings figure of €50,000-€100,000 per unit, and how accurate it might be. The department said it comes from engagement with the Land Development Agency (LDA), the State's affordable-housing delivery body. Work by quantity surveyors within the LDA showed that when all of these measures were combined they could result in these savings per home, department sources said. The Minister was asked on Wednesday if he would publish these costings, and he said he would - but no such evidence has been produced so far. Other housing experts have crunched the numbers and have come to a very different conclusion. Paul Mitchell, director of construction consultants Mitchell McDermott, ran the numbers on all of the changes combined and says the real savings are €28,000-€39,000 per unit. Taking the newly designed studio as an example, the measures resulting in the largest savings are the reduction in floor space - which makes a saving of between €6,000 and €7,000 - and the reduction in windows, which saves another €4,000 to €8,000. All of which goes to say that a figure of between €50,000 and €100,000 seems a long way off what industry professionals expect to save. Another factor is that land values could increase because it will be possible to build many more units on the same site. 'I think the risk here now is developers will all revalue their sites on the basis of fitting more studios which are much more lucrative. That then increases the site value, and it stops anything else happening except small units,' Orla Hegarty, assistant professor at the UCD School of Architecture, says. Concerns had been raised that this change to standards would result in further delays to building, as developers would have to resubmit planning applications to benefit from them. There was a belief that this in turn would clog up the planning system, put a pause on building and ultimately result in higher costs. The Department of Housing had clearly thought about this, and believes it has a solution: an amendment to planning laws to allow changes to be made to plans without the need for a fresh application. The Minister is expected to bring forward the amendment to the Planning and Development Amendment Bill (2025) next week. This will allow developers who currently have planning permission to submit revised drawings and have their amendments expedited through the planning system and automatically granted on a 'permitted alteration' basis without being subject to an entirely new planning process. There could be a fly in the ointment, however: any change to a planning permission would restart the clock for judicial review appeals to be made, legal sources say. Also, the amendment itself could be challenged in court, the guidelines could be challenged and an individual development could be challenged. 'These aren't minor modifications - you're talking about increasing the density of the development, which means more gardens, more electricity connections, more traffic, more people. There's a constitutional right to participate in the planning system if the development could have a significant effect on you,' explains a legal source, who did not wish to be named in case they were involved in future cases. Then there's the question: what will they be like to live in? It is hard to underestimate just how small a 32sq m studio is for a home, but picture this: you can fit eight of them into a tennis court. [ Apartments with fewer windows sound okay, until you live in one Opens in new window ] Now imagine there is no limit to how many of them can be gathered around one lift shaft, or how many of them are in one apartment block. Designing a block this way often means long, dark corridors not unlike a hotel, with dozens of doors off one hallway. 'If you're that close to your neighbours, you can smell every meal that's cooked. You can hear every argument. It's very bad for your mental health to not have privacy and to have that level of intrusion,' Hegarty says. 'In a space this small there is only one place to put your bed, one place to put your sofa. There's nowhere to put a cot. There's hardly a place to put a washing machine in the kitchen, and if you have to fold a pram or use a walking frame, there's no space,' Hegarty says. 'I always think of Irish families and where they will go for Christmas. There's a presumption that this is just temporary, and they all have middle-class parents who'll take them, and they're only there for a little while. But that's not the case. These are people's homes forever,' Hegarty says. There is a fear among many architects that this high-density, small-space living is unsustainable and does not serve the long-term needs of anyone except those who have no other choice. 'How do you live in one space where you are cooking, cleaning, sleeping; where you can't escape from yourself or your partner?' Cahill asks. 'We're not creating units, we're creating homes, and we need to think about the best way to achieve that.' He designed a development with Sr Stanislaus Kennedy called Stanhope Green in Stoneybatter which converted an old convent into housing for people who were previously homeless. Sr Stanislaus Kennedy at The Sanctuary in Stanhope Street, Dublin. Photograph: Alan Betson The project was deemed a great success, providing a communal garden called The Sanctuary, a library and other community spaces. 'Sr Stan's approach was that everyone deserves a home, not a unit. Stanhope Green was a model for communal living,' Cahill says.