
Macron's defence spending plan drives open political divisions in France
ADVERTISEMENT
French President Emmanuel Macron is spearheading an accelerating effort to reshape European security. He is taking the initiative just as the European Commission agrees on an €800bn plan to bolster European defence sovereignty in response to the rapprochement between Russia and the US, as well as US President Donald Trump's increasing scorn towards both Ukraine and NATO.
But as France's debate over military spending intensifies, political divisions mean the chances of finding consensus are increasingly slim.
France currently allocates 2% of its GDP to its defence sector. Macron told French newspaper Le Figaro that he aims to raise defence spending up to 3.5% of the country's GDP, a hike that would require an additional €30bn annually.
Such a drastic increase would be a major challenge given the state of France's strained public finances.
Macron's ambition clashes with the government's current goal of lowering France's budget deficit to 5.4% of its GDP by the end of 2025, down from around 6% in 2024.
One proposal under discussion to finance France's increased military spending is a national loan, a measure last used to reduce state debt in 1993.
Prime Minister François Bayrou and Economy Minister Eric Lombard have floated the idea and also proposed setting up a defence-specific account similar to the Livret A — a regulated, tax-exempt personal savings account with an interest rate set by the state, with funds invested by the state to pay for infrastructure and housing, national debt payments and other uses.
Lombard has also proposed seeking investment from banks, insurance firms, and institutional investors.
What do the French think?
'I think that in the current situation, France can hardly afford to increase its public debt,' Sylvain Bersinger, chief economist at consulting firm Asteres, told Euronews.
"Another solution is to try and increase growth and therefore resources and tax revenues. Typically, this means getting the French to work more by increasing the pension age. But that's so unpopular that I don't think it's even possible. I'd say there's no magic solution."
Yet despite economic concerns, public support for increased defence spending remains high.
A recent survey conducted by Ipsos-Cesi Engineering School showed that 68% of the French electorate support the idea. Even 66% of voters supporting the hard-left party France Unbowed (LFI), which is usually wary of any military intervention, said they support the budget increase.
As for supporters of the far-right party National Rally (RN), a little more than half said they are in favour of boosting military spending.
Where do other parties stand?
While most MPs in France's lower house of parliament have expressed their support for Ukraine specifically, political divisions remain.
Last week, lawmakers debated France's stance on Ukraine and whether to send peacekeeping troops on the ground. RN leader Marine Le Pen said that while she supports aiding Ukraine, she believes France should prioritise its national interests.
ADVERTISEMENT
She also rejected a unified European defence strategy and opposed any suggestion of sending French troops to Ukraine.
Meanwhile, the Socialist Party and the Greens have aligned themselves with the government, agreeing that Europe must strengthen its military sovereignty. Socialist leader Olivier Faure said he was against any measures that would place the burden on French citizens.
Instead, he has proposed taxing corporations and cracking down on EU countries that serve as tax havens for big tech, in particular Ireland and Luxembourg.
LFI MP Alma Dufour, meanwhile, has raised concerns that increased military spending will ultimately benefit the US defence industry.
ADVERTISEMENT
'We're not against France and Europe rearming," she said in an interview with broadcaster Franceinfo. "The question is that if we spend €40bn this year on military equipment, where will that go? To the United States."
On Monday, a report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute showed that 64% of Europe's arms imports come from the US, followed by France, South Korea, Germany and Israel.
Dufour has proposed an increased tax on billionaires, claiming that a 2% tax on France's 500 richest individuals could generate €25bn — putting France well on the way to achieving Macron's military spending ambitions.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Euronews
2 hours ago
- Euronews
Cruel summer turns up heat on Ursula von der Leyen's second mandate
It's fair to assume Ursula von der Leyen will be looking forward to her summer break. This July, typically a month of low-intensity in Brussels politics, has been nothing short of a whirlwind for the president of the European Commission, with consequential decisions and pivotal moments that could reshape the trajectory of her five-year mandate. Nobody expected her second term to be an easy ride, certainly not after the electoral victory of Donald Trump, a man whose beliefs are directly at odds with the bloc's defence of predictable rules, open markets and international cooperation. Still, the events of the last five weeks, a powerful blend of domestic bickering, global turmoil and personal scrutiny, crack the president's tightly controlled image and leave her vulnerable to a sort of stinging criticism she had previously avoided. Here's how von der Leyen's summer got crueller and bleaker. First, the motion Von der Leyen never enjoyed hugely harmonious relations with the European Parliament. MEPs have routinely complained about the president's well-known preference for engaging with member states, the real holders of political power, and her perceived tendency to treat the hemicycle as a second-rate legislator. Tensions and discontent had been simmering for months when a hard-right lawmaker, Romania's Gheorghe Piperea, drafted a motion of censure against the European Commission and managed to secure the necessary 72 signatures to put it to a vote. Piperea's motion, which combined the Pfizergate scandal with conspiracies about electoral interference, never had a realistic chance of succeeding. The far-fetched move was ultimately rejected with 360 votes against and 175 in favour. But the arithmetic was not the point. The motion put von der Leyen in a rare position of defiance. The Commission chief was forced to address, one by one, the accusations that Piperea had levelled against her, rejecting them all as "false claims" and "sinister plots". Socialists, liberals and greens, all of whom backed her re-election last year, seized the moment to air their pent-up frustration and run through a shopping list of recriminations, raising serious questions about the viability of the centrist coalition. "I will always be ready to debate any issue that this house wants, with facts and with arguments," she said, offering an olive branch for "unity". The saga polarised the Parliament and weakened von der Leyen. Crucially, it proved how relatively easy it is for MEPs to file a motion of censure at any point. Manon Aubry, the co-leader of The Left, has begun collecting signatures for a fresh attempt. Then, the budget Bruised from the motion of censure, von der Leyen shifted gears to focus on what was expected to be her biggest announcement of the year: the Commission's long-awaited proposal for the bloc's next seven-year budget (2028-2034). It was the perfect opportunity for von der Leyen to showcase her political gravitas, reframe the conversation and turn a page on the acrimonious vote. As it happened, the proposal was marred by internal fights over the total size of the budget, the restructuring of programmes and the financial allocation for each priority. Her novel idea to merge agricultural and cohesion funds into a single envelope leaked in advance and prompted immediate criticism from the powerful farming lobby. Her cabinet's penchant for secrecy left other Commissioners in a scramble to figure out how much money they would have in future for their portfolios. By the time von der Leyen unveiled the €2 trillion budget, the largest ever put forward, attention was split between her ground-breaking blueprint and the behind-the-scenes drama, which stretched through the night until the final meeting. During the press conference, the president was asked the awkward question on whether she had treated her 26 Commissioners with fairness and respect. "Not everyone was satisfied," she said, explaining the one-by-one consultations. "There's strong support. The collegial decision is taken. And now we have to fight to bring this budget further in the next two years." Later, the summit "Unsustainable." That is how Commission officials had described the state of EU-China relations in anticipation of a high-stakes bilateral summit in Beijing. China's generous use of state subsidies to boost domestic production despite lacking the internal demand to absorb it has provoked the fury of Brussels, which fears the intense race-to-the-bottom could decimate European industry. Beijing's decision to curb exports of critical raw materials, hinder market access for foreign firms and continue its "no-limits partnership" with Moscow added to the piled-up tensions. Despite the urgent need for tangible change, Ursula von der Leyen left the summit with little to show. There was a new commitment to address bottlenecks in the supply of rare earths and a joint statement on climate action. Beyond that, no progress was achieved, and the main points of friction were left conspicuously unaddressed. "We have reached a clear inflection point," von der Leyen told reporters. "As we said to the Chinese leadership, for trade to remain mutually beneficial, it must become more balanced. Europe welcomes competition. But it must be fair." The underwhelming summit suggests EU-China relations will remain confrontational for the foreseeable future, trapping von der Leyen between two perilous avenues: retaliate and risk facing Beijing's wrath or offer concessions that might not be reciprocated. "With its rare earth controls, China has given Europe a glimpse of the havoc it can wreak if the trade battle gets hot," Noah Barkin, a senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund, wrote in his latest newsletter. "But if Europe fails to push back forcefully, throwing all the defensive trade tools it has at China, the long-term damage to its industrial base is likely to be profound." And finally, the deal Ursula von der Leyen's admiration for the transatlantic alliance faced its most gruelling test on 2 April 2025, when Donald Trump unveiled his contentious "reciprocal" tariffs to single-handedly redesign the economic order built at the end of World War II. That fateful day triggered frantic negotiations to spare the export-oriented bloc from Trump's sweeping duties. His ultimatum to apply an across-the-board 30% rate, made in a letter addressed to von der Leyen, caused palpable panic across Brussels. With the deadline of 1 August looming ever closer, the Commission chief flew to Scotland and met Trump in a last-ditch attempt to seal a deal of sorts. What emerged from those talks was an agreement to apply a 15% tariff on the majority of EU products and a 0% tariff on the majority of US products. Additionally, the bloc made tentative pledges to spend an astonishing $750 billion on American energy and invest $600 billion in the American market by the end of Trump's mandate. The outcry was loud and fast: critics spoke of capitulation, humiliation and submission to decry the extremely lopsided nature of the deal, which codifies the highest tariffs that transatlantic commerce has seen in over 70 years. Von der Leyen, who had just stood firm against Beijing's demands, struggled to explain why she had offered such far-reaching concessions to satisfy Trump. "15% is not to be underestimated, but it is the best we could get," she said. The deal, factually disadvantageous for the bloc, takes the shine off von der Leyen's reputation as a reliable manager-in-chief and threatens to become a painful thorn in her second term, which is meant to prioritise competitiveness and growth. If anything, she might take comfort in the fact that none of the 27 EU leaders appear to have the stomach to tear the deal apart and start negotiations from scratch. "Europe does not yet see itself as a power," said French President Emmanuel Macron. "To be free, you must be feared. We were not feared enough."


Euronews
3 hours ago
- Euronews
Surviving retirement: Where do older Europeans get their money?
Older people had lower average disposable incomes than the total population in 28 European countries in 2022, according to the OECD. Luxembourg was the only exception among the 29 countries included in the analysis. Pensioners face financial difficulties in many countries and some people aged 65 and over continue to work as a result. But how exactly do the income sources of older people vary across nations? According to OECD data, two-thirds (66%) of the income of people aged 65 and over in Europe comes from public payouts, which are mainly state pensions and benefits. That's on average across 27 countries in 2020 or the latest available year. Work is the largest income source after public transfers, accounting for 21% of disposable income for older citizens. Capital income, such as personal pensions and savings, follows at 7%, and private occupational pensions at 6%. The share of public payouts in incomes ranges from 41% in Switzerland to 86% in Belgium. Public transfers also account for at least three-quarters of income for older people in Luxembourg (83%), Austria (82%), Finland (80%), Czechia (76%), Italy (76%), and Portugal and Greece (both 75%). Besides Switzerland, this share is below 50% in the UK (42%), the Netherlands (43%), and Denmark (45%). Among Europe's five largest economies, France has the highest share of public transfers in older people's incomes at 78%, while the UK has the lowest at 42%. The share is 76% in Italy, 72% in Spain, and 68% in Germany. With the exception of Finland, the Nordic countries have lower shares of public transfers. The share is 52% in Sweden, and 58% in both Norway and Iceland. In Turkey, an EU candidate country, 57% of older people's income comes from public transfers. Private occupational transfers exist only in 7 countries Private occupational pensions (pensions, severance payments, death grants, etc.) are not common across Europe. Among 27 countries, only seven note them as a source of income for older people. The Netherlands has the highest share, where they account for 40% of income, followed by the UK at 33% and Switzerland at 29%. Three Nordic countries also include private occupational pensions. They make up 19% of income in Sweden, 15% in Denmark, and 14% in Norway. Germany is the last country in this group, with private occupational pensions accounting for just 5% of income. How does the share of capitals vary? The portion of income that comes from capital — mainly private pensions and personal savings — varies significantly across Europe, ranging from less than 1% in Slovakia to as much as 23% in Denmark. In several countries, this share is at least 10%. These include Turkey and Switzerland (both 16%), France (15%), Sweden (12%), the UK (11%), and Finland, Norway, and Iceland (each at 10%). The share of capital in older people's income is less than 5% in several countries. Work remains a key income source for older people The share of work in the income of older people is significant in many European countries, exceeding one-third in several. It ranges from 7% in France to 40% in Latvia. Work accounts for over 32% of income for older people in Slovakia (36%), Lithuania (35%), Estonia and Poland (both 34%), and Iceland (32%). Work still makes up at least one-fifth of older people's income in several countries, including Turkey (27%), Hungary (26%), Slovenia (23%), Ireland and Czechia (22% each), and Greece, Portugal (21% each), and Spain (20%). Older people in France, Luxembourg, Finland, and Belgium are among the least reliant on work, with employment income accounting for less than 11% of their total income. Key findings: Varied social security systems Varying levels of the four income sources for older people, most of whom are pensioners, show the diversity of social security systems across Europe. Key insights from the data include: Old age poverty remains a significant issue in several European countries, and major pension disparities continue to exist across the continent. As life expectancies increase, policymakers face growing challenges to ensure adequate support for ageing populations while keeping deficits at economically sustainable levels.


Local France
3 hours ago
- Local France
French wine industry warns of ‘brutal' impact from US tariffs
Brussels and Washington struck a trade deal at the weekend which will see most EU exports including France's cherished wines and spirits face a 15 percent US levy. 'The impact of this duty will be all the more brutal as it goes hand in hand with the decline of the US dollar in the United States,' Gabriel Picard, president of the French wine and spirits exporters' federation FEVS, said in a statement. He estimated that the combined effect 'could lead to a 25 percent reduction' in wine and spirits sales in the United States, representing a loss of €1billion. A drop in exports would also affect 600,000 jobs in the wine and spirits industry in France, the statement said. 'Negotiations must continue,' Picard said. 'The situation cannot remain as it is.' Jean-Marie Fabre, president of the union of independent winegrowers of France, urged France to continue negotiations. 'We hope to be granted an exemption,' he told broadcaster RMC. Advertisement The tariffs could reduce consumption of French champagne in the United States, warned Maxime Toubart, the co-president of the Interprofessional Champagne Wines Committee (CIVC). This would impact employment both in the United States and in France, he added. The EU said Thursday it expected its wine sector to be hit along with most European products, but negotiations were ongoing to secure a carve-out. French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said on Thursday that France wanted to obtain 'guarantees' for its wines and spirits.