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Hindustan Times
24 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
How to win at foreign policy
WHEN DONALD TRUMP meets Vladimir Putin in Alaska it will be the seventh time the two have talked in person. This time is different, though. Since their last sit-down, Mr Putin has launched an unprovoked war, lost perhaps a million Russian soldiers (dead and wounded) and inflicted ceaseless misery on Ukrainians in pursuit of an imperial dream. Undaunted, Mr Trump hopes to get in a room with a wily dictator, feel him out and forge a deal. It is the biggest test yet of his uniquely personal style of diplomacy. It is also a reminder of how unpredictable American foreign policy has become. Will Mr Trump be firm, making clear that America and its allies will do what it takes to guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty? Or will he be in such a rush to reopen business with Russia that he rewards its aggression and leaves Ukraine vulnerable to future attacks? As everyone clamours for the president's ear, no one knows what he will do. At the beginning of Mr Trump's second term his supporters had a theory about how he would wield American power. Rather than relying on deep relationships and expertise, he would rely on his gut. As a master negotiator with a knack for sensing what others want and fear, he would cut through the waffle and apply pressure ruthlessly. Everyone wants access to American markets. By threatening to shut them out, he would force recalcitrant foreigners to end wars and reset the terms of trade to America's advantage. Career diplomats and experts would be replaced by rainmakers. Yes, his transactional approach might foster a bit of corruption. But if it brought peace in Ukraine or Gaza, who cared? Alas, there are drawbacks to this approach. Using tariffs as a weapon hurts America, too. More fundamentally, junking universal principles for might-makes-right repels friends without necessarily cowing foes. And the substitution of presidential whim for any coherent theory of international relations makes geopolitics less predictable and more dangerous. Mr Trump is not a globalist, obviously. Nor is he an isolationist, or a believer in regional spheres of influence. He simply does what he wants, which changes frequently. One way to make sense of Trumpism is that he divides his efforts at dealmaking into three categories: high, medium and low stakes. In the first category are America's relations with unfriendly great powers, principally China and Russia. Israel is here, too, because of its importance in American domestic politics. Iran makes an appearance, because of the way it threatens its neighbours. All these relationships are complex, difficult and matter a lot to Mr Trump. If he scores a win here—if he ends the war in Ukraine, or brings peace between Israel and the Palestinians, or finds a formula for co-operating with China without endangering national security—then the pay-off is potentially staggering. In the medium-stakes category Mr Trump puts Brazil, South Africa and, oddly, giant India. These are important countries that both America and China want in their camp. In most cases, their values are far closer to America's than to China's. Ties with them ought to be win-win. But they are unwilling to be bossed around, and take offence when Mr Trump insults or tries to bully them. The small stakes, for Mr Trump, are in small or poor countries. A superpower can wield great influence over such places, sometimes to good ends. Mr Trump helped cement a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia, for example, and brokered a truce between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. These are welcome achievements. Azerbaijan and Armenia had been fighting for 35 years. Mr Trump mediated a reopening of trade and transport links. The fruits may include a weakening of Russian influence in the area. The Congo-Rwanda deal is much shakier—Rwandan-backed rebels have violated it repeatedly—but not nothing. And there may be an upside for America, in the form of mineral deals. When it comes to medium-size stakes, Mr Trump's method works less well. He has started needless feuds with the leaders of Brazil (because it is prosecuting a Trumpy ex-president for allegedly attempting a coup), with South Africa (because he believes, wrongly, that it is persecuting whites) and with India (infuriating its prime minister with painful tariffs and undiplomatic boasting). The result? India will draw closer to Russia again, and be less inclined to act as a counterweight against China. Brazil and South Africa see China as a more reliable partner than America. Mr Trump has won headlines that play well with his most ardent supporters. But America has lost out. And when it comes to the highest stakes, the president is floundering. He has tried to coerce China with tariffs, but it is fighting back. This week Mr Trump blinked and extended another deadline. He also undermined his own national-security policy by lifting a ban on exports of Nvidia chips to China, while insisting that Uncle Sam gets a 15% cut. On Ukraine, he has been wildly inconsistent, one day blaming it for having been invaded and threatening to cut military aid, then accusing Mr Putin of bad faith and threatening stiffer sanctions on Russia. On Israel, he has consistently given Binyamin Netanyahu everything he wants and extracted nothing in return. If Mr Trump's bombing of Iran's nuclear sites made Israel safer, well and good. But he has failed to use his leverage to restrain Israel's unending war in Gaza. The world is flattery Other countries are learning how to play Mr Trump. A crypto deal and a nomination for a Nobel peace prize worked for Pakistan. A plane helped Qatar. The corruption is turning out to be as bad as almost anyone feared; the great deals have yet to materialise. Those who say Mr Trump is looking out for his own interests, not America's, have plenty of ammunition. All this is only a preliminary judgment. If Mr Trump stands up to Mr Putin this week, perhaps he can make his greatest-ever deal, ending Europe's worst war since 1945. Sadly, the odds are against it. For subscribers only: to see how we design each week's cover, sign up to our weekly Cover Story newsletter.
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First Post
24 minutes ago
- First Post
Trump departs to Alaska for high-stakes meeting with Putin on Ukraine
President Donald Trump 's face-to-face high-stakes summit with President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday could determine the fate of European security as well as the trajectory of the war in Ukraine. US President Donald Trump waves as he boards Air Force One as he departs Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on August 15, 2025, en route to Anchorage. Image- AFP US President Donald Trump departed for Alaska on Thursday ahead of a closely watched meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a high-stakes encounter that could shape the future of European security and influence the course of the war in Ukraine. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and Secretary of State Marco Rubio are among the Trump administration officials joining the president for his flight to Alaska. Trump will also be accompanied on Air Force One by CIA Director John Ratcliffe and top White House aides, including Chief of Staff Susie Wiles. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and Monica Crowley, a former Fox News commentator serving as Trump's chief of protocol, also are making the trip. Trump and Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin will meet on Friday in Alaska in a high-risk summit that could prove decisive for the future of Ukraine. Putin will step onto Western soil for the first time since he ordered the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, a relentless war that has killed tens of thousands of people and has seen Russia make rapid gains just before the summit. Trump extended the invitation at the Russian leader's suggestion, but the US president has since been defensive and warned that the meeting could be over within minutes if Putin does not compromise. 'HIGH STAKES,' he posted on his Truth Social platform shortly before boarding Air Force One and taking off for the near seven-hour flight to Anchorage. With inputs from agencies
Economic Times
24 minutes ago
- Economic Times
Is it a snub? Tom Cruise rejects Trump's 2025 Kennedy Center honors, cites this as the reason
Tom Cruise, one of Hollywood's most iconic and bankable stars, has reportedly turned down an offer to receive a Kennedy Center Honor in 2025 a year when the high-profile event is being shaped under the direct guidance of President Donald Trump. According to The Washington Post , Cruise declined the recognition due to 'scheduling conflicts,' though the actor has not publicly remarked on the stance. The Kennedy Center Honors, traditionally organized by the institution's board, are now widely influenced by Trump after his recent appointment as its chairman earlier this year. In his latest announcement, Trump revealed the 2025 recipients: country music great George Strait, rock band KISS, Broadway veteran Michael Crawford, disco queen Gloria Gaynor, and action icon Sylvester Stallone. Notably missing from the lineup was Tom Cruise, as his participation would have arguably delivered the ceremony its biggest mainstream draw. Trump has stated openly that he played an active role in curating the list, even admitting that he personally excluded certain names he deemed 'too woke.' His remarks have further fueled debates about political influence in a ceremony historically intended to honor artistic achievement beyond partisan boundaries. Although Cruise's representatives attribute his decision to prior commitments, industry insiders point out that the actor's calendar is indeed filled. He is actively promoting Mission: Impossible – The Final Reckoning and is speculated to be developing Top Gun 3 . However, observers claim the political scenario surrounding this year's event could have influenced his decision. Throughout his career, Cruise has long maintained a careful public image that avoids explicit political association. Participating in a Trump-led cultural event could have ignited speculation about his political opinions, an outcome the actor may have been keen to ignore. By citing scheduling conflicts, Cruise maintains a neutral stance for avoiding the figures have turned down Kennedy Center Honors and similar awards before when the events have political interventions. In earlier years, stars like Mel Brooks and other entertainers have quietly declined invitations when ceremonies were hosted under politically charged scenarios.Q1. Who is Tom Cruise? A1. Tom Cruise is an American actor and producer known for blockbuster films like Top Gun and the Mission: Impossible series. He is considered one of Hollywood's most successful and highest-paid stars.Q2. What are the Kennedy Center Honors? A2. The Kennedy Center Honors recognize individuals for lifetime contributions to American culture through the performing arts. They are awarded annually by the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D.C.
