Once a beacon of hope, Tunisia's civil society struggles to survive
Rights groups see Riahi's case as a symbol of accelerating repression of civil society under President Kais Saied, who dissolved parliament in 2021 and began ruling by decree.
The crackdown marks a turnaround for Tunisia, where civil society groups flourished in the wake of the 2011 uprising that unseated President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, inspired other Arab Spring uprisings and helped shape a democratic transition.
As head of a refugee support group, Riahi had been helping sub-Saharan asylum seekers and other migrants find housing and access medicine and food. Her family say she did nothing wrong.
The forced separation from her daughter and young son has been traumatic.
'The girl doesn't recognise her mother,' Riahi's mother Farida, who is now caring for her grandchild, told Reuters at their family home in La Marsa near the capital, Tunis. 'They took her while she was breastfeeding. We didn't even have time to understand what was happening.'
Since Saied's power grab, at least a dozen civil society figures such as Riahi have been detained on allegations activists denounce as fabricated, according to rights groups and lawyers. At least 10 civil society groups have had their assets frozen and offices raided, they say.
The Tunisian General Labour Union, which won the 2015 Nobel peace prize with other civil society groups and could once bring tens of thousands onto the streets, has been sapped by the arrests of junior officials on corruption charges.
The Tunisian government's media office did not respond to calls and written questions seeking comment about Riahi's case and those of other activists and civil society groups.
Saied, 67, has accused civil society groups of 'serving foreign agendas' and undermining national unity. He has said he will not be a dictator and freedom and democracy will be preserved, but he will not allow chaos or interference through foreign funding or organisations that represent a 'tool of treason'.
Activists warn some of Tunisia's last surviving democratic gains are at risk as the judiciary, media and parliament have all come under tighter executive control and most opposition party leaders are in prison.
'The attack on civil society organisations is not an isolated incident,' said Romdhane Ben Amor of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, an independent advocacy group. 'It comes in the context of the authorities' plan to close civic space and to end the democratic openness achieved by Tunisians after January 14 2011.'
In Tunis, the offices of I Watch, an anti-corruption watchdog founded after the 2011 revolution, used to bustle with dozens of employees, volunteers and journalists. These days only three employees work on-site. Dozens work remotely, some fearing raids or arrests.
Wajdi Belloumi, I Watch's president, said its bank transfers have been hindered and official investigations into the group are piling up. Hotels have stopped renting spaces for the group's events, citing vague instructions from authorities, Belloumi said.
Last year the electoral commission refused for the first time to allow I Watch to monitor elections due to suspicions of foreign funding.
'We're seen as enemies now,' Belloumi told Reuters. 'Many volunteers are afraid. Whistle-blowers have gone quiet. The pressure is everywhere — legal, financial, even personal.'
Ben Amor said he had received anonymous threats and started looking over his shoulder in public spaces. 'People start saying, 'This man must be got rid of',' he said, referring to comments sent in private messages, or "'your son studies at that school, your daughter studies at that school, I saw you on that street''.
Foreign governments that once championed Tunisia's democratic transition now prioritise curbing migration and short-term stability, rights groups say.
Ben Amor said he believed he had been targeted particularly after speaking out against Saied's recent anti-migrant rhetoric.
In 2023, the same year Tunisia signed a pact with the EU aimed at stemming migration across the Mediterranean, Saied said illegal immigration was part of a 'conspiracy' to alter Tunisia's demographics. Since then, authorities have dismantled tents and carried out forced deportations — the campaign amid which Riahi was detained.
Though the space for civil society groups is shrinking by the day, Belloumi said he remains committed. 'We chose this path — transparency, justice, accountability — and we're not walking away.'
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The Star
10 hours ago
- The Star
The death of a former Zambian president: diplomacy, grief and ubuntu
Esther Lungu, former president Edgar Lungu's wife, is grappling with grief and unanswered questions after his death. Image: Supplied Sifiso Sonjica The passing of a former head of state is invariably a profound and reflective moment for any nation. In Zambia, a country with a proud legacy of democratic governance, cultural reverence for elders and strong communal values, the death of a past president initiates a period of mourning, national reflection, and often, political reconciliation. Yet, as evidenced by the complex and contested death and burial of former President Edgar Chagwa Lungu, such events also carry deep diplomatic, legal, and emotional implications. They unveil fault lines within the state, raise questions about family rights, and underscore the challenges of balancing state authority with the wishes of grieving relatives. Importantly, these events remind us of the African philosophy of Ubuntu, which emphasizes our shared humanity and moral obligation to care for one another. In light of this, I found it worthwhile reflecting on the events surrounding Edgar Lungu's death and burial, the diplomatic entanglements that followed, the grief endured by his family, and the lessons that the African continent can draw through the lens of Ubuntu. Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema. The Zambian government is trying to force the repatriation of former president Edgar Lungu's body. Image: AFP The death and the diplomacy around It Lungu, who was Zambia's sixth president from 2015 until 2021, died on June 5, 2025, at a hospital in Pretoria. He was receiving treatment for a rare esophageal condition when complications from surgery resulted in his death. In response, the Zambian government declared a seven-day period of national mourning, which was later extended by an additional nine days. Flags were lowered to half-mast, and a state funeral was planned in Lusaka, in line with national customs and protocols for former presidents. However, what was intended to be a respectful and unifying national homage quickly turned into a diplomatic dispute. A private family service was scheduled in Johannesburg, but the Pretoria High Court, acting on a request from the Zambian Attorney General, stopped the burial, asserting that Lungu, as a former head of state, was both legally and symbolically a representative of the Zambian nation and therefore deserved a state burial in his homeland. South African officials, caught between honoring the family's wishes and maintaining diplomatic decorum, expressed regret over the situation while advocating for a solution that would respect the deceased's dignity. This unforeseen international legal conflict created a complex diplomatic challenge, turning what should have been a sacred and solemn event into a politically charged and widely publicised confrontation. Zambian President Edgar Lungu. Image: Rogan Ward/Reuters Burial standoff: State versus family At the heart of this controversy was a tense standoff between the Zambian government and the family of the deceased president. The authorities were adamant about bringing Lungu's remains back for interment at Embassy Park, the official burial site for national leaders in Lusaka, citing both national customs and constitutional precedent. They maintained that a state funeral was not merely a formality but an essential expression of national identity and respect. In contrast, Lungu's family asserted that he had specifically requested that President Hakainde Hichilema not attend his funeral, due to unresolved issues and allegations of persecution after his presidency. They also criticized the government's approach, arguing that the personal wishes of the deceased and the emotional needs of the family were being overshadowed by political symbolism. On June 18, the family obstructed the repatriation of his body, alleging a violation of their agreement. The next day, President Hichilema declared the official end of national mourning, stating that it was no longer practical to indefinitely delay the funeral arrangements. Subsequently, on June 20, the family made the unprecedented choice to privately inter Lungu in South Africa, marking him as the first former Zambian president to be buried outside the nation. However, on June 25, the High Court intervened once more, suspending the burial until a final decision on jurisdiction could be made on August 4. This ongoing standoff highlights a complex conflict involving national identity, personal legacy, family grief, and legal jurisdiction. It evolved into more than just a burial; it became a confrontation between constitutional formalities and deeply personal mourning. Diplomatic undercurrents This unusual incident has also put a strain on the diplomatic ties between Zambia and South Africa. The Minister of International Relations and Cooperation expressed support for the family's desires but remarked that a state funeral in Zambia would be "most appropriate" for someone of Lungu's stature. Pretoria's repeated legal interventions highlighted the complexities involved in hosting a former foreign head of state and emphasized the necessity of adhering to international norms and cross-border legal frameworks. President Hichilema formally apologised to the South African government, describing the situation as "diplomatic embarrassment". His apology recognized that internal conflicts - stemming from Zambia's unresolved political tensions - had spilled over into the regional sphere, disrupting diplomatic decorum and potentially harming Zambia's reputation as a model for peaceful political transitions. This situation highlights the urgent need for African nations to establis hprotocols that balance state responsibilities with the sensitivities of grieving families, particularly in cases involving prominent national figures whose legacies elicit mixed public reactions. Family's pain and public grief In the aftermath of his passing, the Lungu family has been engulfed in grief, exacerbated by public attention, legal challenges, and political unrest. They have faced intense media scrutiny, public discussions, and legal orders that have repeatedly interrupted their mourning. Most poignantly, reports have surfaced indicating that some family members have encountered travel bans and pressure from various political figures. Makibi Zulu, a family representative, poignantly remarked, 'Perhaps this time, Edgar has refused to be laid to rest without the truth being revealed.' This sentiment captures the family's view that Lungu's death has become a disputed story, highlighting deeper issues within Zambia's political landscape. Unverified claims of poisoning and systemic harassment have further politicised his death, complicating the family's quest for closure. As they navigate both personal loss and public controversy, the Lungu family's suffering underscores the challenge of disentangling the personal from the political in the life - and death - of a public figure. Their sorrow has become a symbol of a wider national discomfort, as citizens grapple with how to honour leadership in a time of divided memories. Ubuntu and pathways to healing The African concept of Ubuntu, often translated as 'I am because we are,' provides a vital framework for how such national moments can be approached with compassion, dignity, and unity. Ubuntu calls for empathy, shared humanity, and communal responsibility - values that are indispensable in moments of grief and division. As such, African societies must prioritize empathy over politics when national figures pass. Grieving families deserve support and space to mourn. This principle applies regardless of one's political alignment or opinions of the deceased's legacy. More so, the death or burial of a leader should not inflame tensions. Elders, traditional leaders, and mediators must facilitate respectful dialogue between state officials and families to avoid conflict and ensure dignity for all parties. This is important in balancing state honour with family customs. Most importantly, I am of the view that African Union and SADC should consider formal protocols for cross-border funerals of former leaders to prevent similar disputes and ensure that such events foster unity rather than discord.

TimesLIVE
10 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
No aid supplies left and staff starving in Gaza, says Norwegian Refugee Council
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Daily Maverick
16 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Trump's Golden Dome looks for alternatives to Musk's SpaceX
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L3Harris CFO Kenneth Bedingfield told Reuters in an interview the company has seen a surge in interest in its missile warning and tracking technologies, which are expected to play a key role in the system. Northrop, meanwhile, is pursuing several efforts including a space-based interceptor, a component that would enable missile strikes from orbit, Robert Flemming, the head of the company's space business, told Reuters in an interview. 'Lockheed Martin is ready to support Golden Dome for America as a proven mission partner,' Robert Lightfoot, president of Lockheed Martin Space, said in a statement. Golden Dome's initial outreach this spring invited smaller, newer Silicon Valley firms seen as nimbler, more sophisticated and potentially less expensive alternatives to the big defense firms to the table – but that was before the Musk-Trump feud upended that calculus. Several with close ties to Trump aside from SpaceX, including Palantir PLTR.O and Anduril – were considered early frontrunners to win big pieces of the $175 billion project. But the Musk-Trump feud has reshaped the competitive landscape. Musk recently launched the 'America Party,' a tech-centric, centrist political movement aimed at defeating Republicans who backed Trump's tax-and-spend agenda. RAPID TIMEFRAME Trump launched the Golden Dome initiative just a week into his second term, pushing for rapid deployment. Space Force General Michael Guetlein, confirmed by the Senate on July 17, is set to lead the program with sweeping authority. Under a previously unreported directive from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Guetlein has 30 days from confirmation to build a team, 60 days to deliver an initial system design, and 120 days to present a full implementation plan, including satellite and ground station details, two people briefed on the memo said. 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