Sudan's war of mediation
In the Al-Fasher region of Sudan, a mother walks 12 miles for medicine only to find an empty clinic. Her son is bleeding from shrapnel wounds as gunfire echoes across the town. This is not just war. It is the collapse of diplomacy itself, where ceasefires exist only on paper and peace processes serve only as political theatre.
Sudan's Civil War has become not only a humanitarian catastrophe but also a diplomatic failure. It exposes the limits of the international order. At its core, this is not a conflict between equals but a war between Sudan's national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), the only institution with constitutional legitimacy, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a militia built on paramilitary violence, foreign backing, and the exploitation of chaos.
The human toll of the war is staggering. More than ten million people have been displaced since it began, making Sudan the world's largest displacement crisis. Millions more face hunger, disease, and the collapse of basic services. This war is not only destroying lives but is also erasing the foundations of the Sudanese state.
The SAF and RSF control fragmented territories, and international mediation in the war has mirrored this fragmentation, creating confusion instead of coherence. The US and Saudi Arabia are leading the Jeddah Process that hopes to end the conflict, while the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) are pursuing rival tracks. The UN, once central to such crises, appears increasingly sidelined.
This pluralism of mediation, far from reinforcing undertakings, has bred incoherence and duplication.
The RSF has used these diplomatic gaps to prolong the war, meaning that ceasefires, announced with international fanfare, collapse again and again. Instead of protecting civilians, they allow the militia to regroup, rearm, and entrench its siege tactics. For ordinary Sudanese, the word 'ceasefire' now means little more than a pause before more bloodshed.
Regional actors have played contradictory roles, with some seeking to manage security spillovers and others pursuing their own political and economic agendas. Arms flows, covert diplomacy, and financial support have fuelled the conflict rather than contained it, and global diplomacy has struggled to establish a unified stance.
Washington presses for humanitarian access but hesitates to apply real pressure, while Europe focuses more on migration than long-term stability. This timid approach emboldens those who profit from the war while discouraging coordinated action.
Perhaps the greatest failure of diplomacy has been the erasure of Sudanese civilians from the negotiating table. The 2019 Revolution against former Sudanese president Omar Al-Bashir was led by resistance committees, women's groups, and civil society. These forces embodied Sudan's democratic aspirations, yet today they are invisible in the peace talks between the SAF and the RSF, and Western diplomats continue to negotiate with these while sidelining the very actors who represent the country's hope for a legitimate and inclusive future.
The deliberate use of starvation and siege tactics by the militias is a grave violation in the war. Under Article 54 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, starving civilians as a method of warfare is strictly prohibited under international law and constitutes a war crime.
By failing to confront this, the mediation process in Sudan is not only ineffective but is also complicit in normalising violations that strike at the very heart of civilian protection. Reports from the Darfur and Kordofan regions of Sudan describe villages where civilians have been deliberately cut off from food and medicine in the war.
Grassroots organisations, however, have not disappeared: resistance committees organise relief convoys; women's networks run makeshift clinics; and local charities distribute scarce supplies in besieged areas. These actors are maintaining some fragile social cohesion amid displacement and hunger. To treat them as marginal voices is not only unjust, but it is also unsustainable. Any peace agreement that excludes them will collapse under the weight of its own illegitimacy.
Since April 2023, every ceasefire in the war has been violated. The Jeddah Process's early promise devolved into meaningless pauses that were exploited by both sides, especially by the RSF, to expand military operations. Without credible enforcement, ceasefires serve media optics, not civilian safety, and for many civilians in the Al-Fasher, Omdurman, or Nyala regions of Sudan 'truce' has become a word synonymous with betrayal.
For years, international institutions have promised impartiality and principled engagement in Sudan, but the reality has been selective outrage, ad hoc coordination, and inconsistent leverage. Many Sudanese now ask whether the international system is capable of mediating in good faith in a conflict in which the contrast with Ukraine or Gaza is stark. The latter conflicts have received sustained international media coverage, while the conflict in Sudan has been neglected, suggesting that some wars are deemed too complex or too remote to merit serious engagement.
Regional powers have stepped into the vacuum, too often not as neutral mediators but as stakeholders with vested interests. Their 'competitive mediation' undermines the very idea of collective diplomacy, and multiple tracks have not created a momentum for peace as much as so much diplomatic clutter.
Three shifts are essential in order to bring about peace in Sudan.
First, the mediation tracks must be unified under a single platform. The UN-AU-IGAD tripartite mechanism remains the best option, but only if it is given real political weight and resources.
Second, accountability must be enforced consistently. External actors that provide weapons, money, or political cover must face the consequences. Toothless mediation is worse than none, since it legitimises violence without restraining it.
Third, Sudanese civilians must be central to the peace process. Resistance committees, women's groups, and local initiatives must have a seat at the table and not as symbolic voices but as co-leaders.
The war in Sudan is more than a national tragedy; it is a test of international diplomacy under fire. If the mediation continues to appease the militias and sideline civilians, the consequences will not remain confined to Sudan. Refugee flows will expand, armed groups will proliferate, and neighbouring states will become destabilised.
Yet, Sudan also offers a blueprint for change, if the SAF is recognised as the lawful authority, civilians as the custodians of peace, and international law as the guiding principle in the peace process.
The alternative is appeasement disguised as peace. The Sudanese war is not a war between equals. In Sudan today, the state is under siege by a militia. To pretend otherwise is to misread both the crisis and the cure. International diplomacy must stop treating Sudan's Civil War as just another conflict and start recognising it as a test of the global order.
Restoring legitimacy in Sudan requires the courage to end fragmentation, confront the militias, and put civilians at the centre of the peace process. Anything less will fail the country, and this failure will echo far beyond Sudan's borders.
The writer is a senior researcher and director of the East Africa and Sudan Programme at Fox Research AB in Sweden.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 21 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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Al-Ahram Weekly
9 hours ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Sudan's war of mediation
The peace talks in Sudan are becoming a battleground for power as external actors pursue their own agendas and Sudanese civil society is continuously excluded. In the Al-Fasher region of Sudan, a mother walks 12 miles for medicine only to find an empty clinic. Her son is bleeding from shrapnel wounds as gunfire echoes across the town. This is not just war. It is the collapse of diplomacy itself, where ceasefires exist only on paper and peace processes serve only as political theatre. Sudan's Civil War has become not only a humanitarian catastrophe but also a diplomatic failure. It exposes the limits of the international order. At its core, this is not a conflict between equals but a war between Sudan's national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), the only institution with constitutional legitimacy, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a militia built on paramilitary violence, foreign backing, and the exploitation of chaos. The human toll of the war is staggering. More than ten million people have been displaced since it began, making Sudan the world's largest displacement crisis. Millions more face hunger, disease, and the collapse of basic services. This war is not only destroying lives but is also erasing the foundations of the Sudanese state. The SAF and RSF control fragmented territories, and international mediation in the war has mirrored this fragmentation, creating confusion instead of coherence. The US and Saudi Arabia are leading the Jeddah Process that hopes to end the conflict, while the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) are pursuing rival tracks. The UN, once central to such crises, appears increasingly sidelined. This pluralism of mediation, far from reinforcing undertakings, has bred incoherence and duplication. The RSF has used these diplomatic gaps to prolong the war, meaning that ceasefires, announced with international fanfare, collapse again and again. Instead of protecting civilians, they allow the militia to regroup, rearm, and entrench its siege tactics. For ordinary Sudanese, the word 'ceasefire' now means little more than a pause before more bloodshed. Regional actors have played contradictory roles, with some seeking to manage security spillovers and others pursuing their own political and economic agendas. Arms flows, covert diplomacy, and financial support have fuelled the conflict rather than contained it, and global diplomacy has struggled to establish a unified stance. Washington presses for humanitarian access but hesitates to apply real pressure, while Europe focuses more on migration than long-term stability. This timid approach emboldens those who profit from the war while discouraging coordinated action. Perhaps the greatest failure of diplomacy has been the erasure of Sudanese civilians from the negotiating table. The 2019 Revolution against former Sudanese president Omar Al-Bashir was led by resistance committees, women's groups, and civil society. These forces embodied Sudan's democratic aspirations, yet today they are invisible in the peace talks between the SAF and the RSF, and Western diplomats continue to negotiate with these while sidelining the very actors who represent the country's hope for a legitimate and inclusive future. The deliberate use of starvation and siege tactics by the militias is a grave violation in the war. Under Article 54 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, starving civilians as a method of warfare is strictly prohibited under international law and constitutes a war crime. By failing to confront this, the mediation process in Sudan is not only ineffective but is also complicit in normalising violations that strike at the very heart of civilian protection. Reports from the Darfur and Kordofan regions of Sudan describe villages where civilians have been deliberately cut off from food and medicine in the war. Grassroots organisations, however, have not disappeared: resistance committees organise relief convoys; women's networks run makeshift clinics; and local charities distribute scarce supplies in besieged areas. These actors are maintaining some fragile social cohesion amid displacement and hunger. To treat them as marginal voices is not only unjust, but it is also unsustainable. Any peace agreement that excludes them will collapse under the weight of its own illegitimacy. Since April 2023, every ceasefire in the war has been violated. The Jeddah Process's early promise devolved into meaningless pauses that were exploited by both sides, especially by the RSF, to expand military operations. Without credible enforcement, ceasefires serve media optics, not civilian safety, and for many civilians in the Al-Fasher, Omdurman, or Nyala regions of Sudan 'truce' has become a word synonymous with betrayal. For years, international institutions have promised impartiality and principled engagement in Sudan, but the reality has been selective outrage, ad hoc coordination, and inconsistent leverage. Many Sudanese now ask whether the international system is capable of mediating in good faith in a conflict in which the contrast with Ukraine or Gaza is stark. The latter conflicts have received sustained international media coverage, while the conflict in Sudan has been neglected, suggesting that some wars are deemed too complex or too remote to merit serious engagement. Regional powers have stepped into the vacuum, too often not as neutral mediators but as stakeholders with vested interests. Their 'competitive mediation' undermines the very idea of collective diplomacy, and multiple tracks have not created a momentum for peace as much as so much diplomatic clutter. Three shifts are essential in order to bring about peace in Sudan. First, the mediation tracks must be unified under a single platform. The UN-AU-IGAD tripartite mechanism remains the best option, but only if it is given real political weight and resources. Second, accountability must be enforced consistently. External actors that provide weapons, money, or political cover must face the consequences. Toothless mediation is worse than none, since it legitimises violence without restraining it. Third, Sudanese civilians must be central to the peace process. Resistance committees, women's groups, and local initiatives must have a seat at the table and not as symbolic voices but as co-leaders. The war in Sudan is more than a national tragedy; it is a test of international diplomacy under fire. If the mediation continues to appease the militias and sideline civilians, the consequences will not remain confined to Sudan. Refugee flows will expand, armed groups will proliferate, and neighbouring states will become destabilised. Yet, Sudan also offers a blueprint for change, if the SAF is recognised as the lawful authority, civilians as the custodians of peace, and international law as the guiding principle in the peace process. The alternative is appeasement disguised as peace. The Sudanese war is not a war between equals. In Sudan today, the state is under siege by a militia. To pretend otherwise is to misread both the crisis and the cure. International diplomacy must stop treating Sudan's Civil War as just another conflict and start recognising it as a test of the global order. Restoring legitimacy in Sudan requires the courage to end fragmentation, confront the militias, and put civilians at the centre of the peace process. Anything less will fail the country, and this failure will echo far beyond Sudan's borders. The writer is a senior researcher and director of the East Africa and Sudan Programme at Fox Research AB in Sweden. * A version of this article appears in print in the 21 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
See - Sada Elbalad
3 days ago
- See - Sada Elbalad
Egypt Launches 5th Special Train for Voluntary Return of Sudanese Refugees
Ahmed Emam Egypt's National Railway Authority (NRA) on Sunday began operating the fifth special train under the voluntary return program for Sudanese nationals wishing to go back to their homeland, as part of Cairo's humanitarian and logistical support for its southern neighbor. The special service, train No. 1940 (third-class air-conditioned), departed Cairo Station at 11:00 a.m. and is scheduled to arrive at Aswan's High Dam Station at 11:40 p.m. on the same day. The return journey will operate on Monday, August 18, under train No. 1945 (third-class air-conditioned), departing Aswan at 8:30 p.m. and reaching Cairo at 9:25 a.m. the following morning to serve regular passengers. To ensure smooth travel, the authority has equipped the trains designated for Sudanese passengers with an additional luggage carriage known as "Spensa" , allowing extra space for personal belongings and providing greater comfort during the trip. The initiative reflects Egypt's ongoing efforts to support the Sudanese people during challenging times, reaffirming the deep-rooted historical ties between the Egyptian and Sudanese nations. read more Gold prices rise, 21 Karat at EGP 3685 NATO's Role in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict US Expresses 'Strong Opposition' to New Turkish Military Operation in Syria Shoukry Meets Director-General of FAO Lavrov: confrontation bet. nuclear powers must be avoided News Iran Summons French Ambassador over Foreign Minister Remarks News Aboul Gheit Condemns Israeli Escalation in West Bank News Greek PM: Athens Plays Key Role in Improving Energy Security in Region News One Person Injured in Explosion at Ukrainian Embassy in Madrid Videos & Features Story behind Trending Jessica Radcliffe Death Video News Israeli-Linked Hadassah Clinic in Moscow Treats Wounded Iranian IRGC Fighters Arts & Culture "Jurassic World Rebirth" Gets Streaming Date News China Launches Largest Ever Aircraft Carrier News Ayat Khaddoura's Final Video Captures Bombardment of Beit Lahia Business Egyptian Pound Undervalued by 30%, Says Goldman Sachs Videos & Features Tragedy Overshadows MC Alger Championship Celebration: One Fan Dead, 11 Injured After Stadium Fall Arts & Culture South Korean Actress Kang Seo-ha Dies at 31 after Cancer Battle Lifestyle Get to Know 2025 Eid Al Adha Prayer Times in Egypt News The Jessica Radcliffe Orca Attack? 100% Fake and AI-Generated
Mada
3 days ago
- Mada
RSF's largest assault on Fasher in a year kills dozens of civilians in Abu Shouk camp Humanitarian collapse in South Kordofan's Kadugli, Dalang as RSF, SPLM-N tighten siege
In the first high-level engagement with the United States since the outbreak of war, a senior Sudanese delegation met with US officials in Zurich on Monday, a source in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC) told Mada Masr. Responding to a US proposal for direct talks with the United Arab Emirates — a member of the Washington-led group on Sudan — the Sudanese side said that such a meeting would only happen if Abu Dhabi first ceased its military support to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The talks came as the UAE has rolled out a series of economic measures against Sudan in recent weeks. Earlier this week, the UAE, Sudan's largest gold buyer, suspended all trade with the country. Soon after, Khartoum began preparing to launch its first national gold exchange, a TSC member told Mada Masr. The move, the source said, aims to position Sudan as a global gold trading hub, with any transactions conducted outside the exchange deemed illegal. Meanwhile, the RSF mounted its largest ground assault in over a year on Fasher — the Sudanese Armed Forces' last major stronghold in Darfur — on Monday and Tuesday, deploying foreign mercenaries, military sources told Mada Masr. Military and allied forces repelled the attack and killed three RSF commanders, the military announced. In the offensive, RSF fighters stormed the Abu Shouk displacement camp north of Fasher and killed 34 civilians. In South Kordofan, the cities of Dalang and Kadugli are in the grip of deepening hunger and humanitarian collapse as the RSF and its ally, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North, tighten their joint siege. Child malnutrition rates have risen to 25 percent amid soaring prices, dwindling food supplies and a devastated agricultural sector, while around 80 percent of essential medicines have run out in both cities' hospitals, state officials said. The RSF-led Tasis coalition's government, declared in late July, continues to draw regional and international opposition. On Wednesday, the United Nations Security Council joined the African Union and the Arab League in rejecting the parallel administration. Khartoum welcomed the move, while Tasis said their new government draws legitimacy from 'the support of large sectors of the population.' *** Unannounced Sudan-US talks held in Switzerland In a first major step since United States President Donald Trump took office, a high-level Sudanese delegation met with US officials to discuss ending the war, humanitarian aid delivery and the role of the United Arab Emirates in negotiations. The meeting was held on Monday in Zurich, Switzerland, an informed source in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC) told Mada Masr, and tackled three longstanding points of contention that have stalled US efforts to broker negotiations between Sudan's government, the RSF and international stakeholders — issues on which Khartoum has held a firm stance since the US-led Geneva peace talks in August 2024. Both sides explored the possibility of crafting a roadmap to end the war, discussing the government's conditions for entering broader negotiations involving the US-led Quad group on Sudan and other regional powers. While the US suggested that Sudan and the UAE could hold discussion sessions, the Sudanese delegation insisted that Abu Dhabi must halt all military assistance to the RSF before any consultations or formal process could begin. The talks also focused extensively on humanitarian aid. Sudan, the source said, rejected US claims that the government was slow in facilitating aid deliveries. The delegation outlined the government's efforts to ensure aid reached its destinations and detailed RSF attacks on convoys, particularly those bound for Fasher, accusing the RSF of pursuing a strategy of looting humanitarian supplies. The source would not confirm whether TSC head Abdel Fattah al-Burhan personally led the delegation, but said it included senior officials from the council, the Foreign Ministry, the General Intelligence Service and military intelligence. The US side, they added, included advisors, members of the Central Intelligence Agency and State Department officials. Describing the talks as 'highly transparent' and conducted with 'a flexibility that could help build mutual trust,' the source suggested they could pave the way for more in-depth discussions toward a workable process. Meanwhile, Sudanese press reported that Burhan attended a Qatari-arranged high-level meeting in Switzerland on Monday night with Massad Boulos, the US senior advisor on Arab, Middle Eastern and African affairs. *** Humanitarian collapse in South Kordofan's Kadugli, Dalang as RSF, SPLM-N tighten siege Kadugli and Dalang in South Kordofan are facing a deepening hunger crisis and full-scale humanitarian collapse as the RSF and its allied Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) tighten their joint siege on the cities. On August 4, Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim announced an emergency plan to airdrop food and medicine in coordination with government bodies and United Nations agencies. Conditions in the two cities had worsened sharply by the end of June, when RSF and SPLM-N forces closed the road linking Kadugli and Dalang, bringing supply chains to a complete halt. But the blockade itself began in October 2023 and has since driven prices of basic staples by up to 300 percent compared to pre-siege levels, South Kordofan Deputy Governor Jaber Daldoum told Mada Masr. Sixty percent of local grain reserves are now depleted, he said, while basic services have collapsed over the past two years, with near-total absence of water, healthcare and electricity. Fighting between the two sides has only worsened the acute food shortage. Around 40 percent of crops have been destroyed and 75 percent of livestock killed as the war continues to engulf the cities and their surrounding areas, according to an official in the state's Agricultural Ministry department. This has led to a 60 percent drop in agricultural output, the official said. Child malnutrition rates have risen to 25 percent, a public health official told Mada Masr, and 30 percent of residents now face severe shortages of clean drinking water. In late July, women and girls in Kadugli staged protests over the deteriorating living conditions, demanding that the military release food stored in its warehouses. The demonstrations were met with repression, and eight women were detained for at least two days, according to the Sudanese Women Rights Action. The group noted that most households in Kadugli are headed by women, 'who are disproportionately affected by rising prices and limited access to food.' On the healthcare front, around 80 percent of essential medicines have run out from hospitals in both cities, and half of all health centers have shut down entirely, the state's Health Minister Jawaher Suleiman told Mada Masr. Seventy percent of kidney failure patients in Dalang have been unable to access dialysis sessions, she noted, while the public health official said 40 percent of births take place without adequate medical care. Suleiman confirmed that the government is working with UN agencies to carry out urgent airdrops of medicines. Dalang and Kadugli are considered strategic strongholds for the military, serving as its largest bases in the south. Since 2010, they have been central hubs for protecting military and commercial interests and, since the outbreak of war in 2023, for supplying ground operations against the RSF in Darfur. The cities also play a key role in preventing North and West Kordofan from falling under RSF control, acting as launch points for strikes on RSF supply lines from Darfur and the Central African Republic. *** Sudan to establish gold exchange after UAE trade restrictions After the United Arab Emirates, Sudan's largest gold buyer, suspended all trade with the country, Transitional Sovereignty Council Chair Abdel Fattah al-Burhan ordered the activation of the Sudan International Gold Exchange, sources in the TSC and Cabinet told Mada Masr. According to the TSC source, the decision aims to position Sudan as a global hub for gold trading. The exchange will regulate all domestic and international sales, set the official price of Sudanese gold and operate an online platform for international transactions. Burhan instructed the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank of Sudan to activate the exchange, which was first approved in August 2021, when Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim issued a decision to establish an exchange for gold and minerals. But implementation stalled due to arrangements related to the transitional government at the time, the TSC source said. The current directive establishes a facilitating committee chaired by the Finance Ministry and includes senior officials from the Minerals Ministry, the Central Bank of Sudan, the Sudan Gold Refinery Company and the Khartoum Stock Exchange. The committee is tasked with developing an implementation plan for the exchange, designing infrastructure in line with global standards, drafting executive regulations and outlining technical requirements for a digital trading system. All gold exports will be required to go through the exchange, with any transactions outside it deemed a breach punishable by law. Prices will be set at a competitive rate below the global market to attract buyers and investors, the source said, with the aim of boosting hard-currency revenues. The decision comes after the UAE suspended all trade with Sudan, a Cabinet source told Mada Masr. That move was preceded by a ban on Sudanese airlines landing at Emirati airports last week, imposed just days after Khartoum accused Abu Dhabi of financing mercenaries fighting alongside the RSF. The UAE is one of Sudan's largest trading partners. According to a source at the Central Bank of Sudan, exports to the UAE in 2024 reached US$1.7 billion, more than half of Sudan's total $3.14 billion in exports. Gold made up the bulk of these exports. Of the 23 tons shipped abroad in 2024, from a total of 64 tons produced, most went to UAE markets, the source said. The military controls all of Sudan's gold production sites, whether operated by investment companies or individuals working in traditional mining. Current production is concentrated in four main states, with the Nile River and Northern states accounting for over 80 percent of Sudan's total output, according to a source in the Sudanese Mineral Resources Company, which manages all gold-related activities. Since the 2011 secession of South Sudan, which saw Khartoum lose 75 percent of its crude oil production, Sudan has relied heavily on gold. From 2013 onward, Sudan's gold drew growing competition from business and military sectors. Mohamed Hamdan 'Hemedti' Dagalo rose both as a military and economic power through his control of the Jabal Amer gold mine and other areas. This financial expansion lasted until Burhan dissolved his companies in September 2023, bringing them under military control. Since the outbreak of the war in April 2023, Sudan's treasury has leaned even more heavily on gold exports, which have continued uninterrupted. Production surged to 64 tons in 2023, from 41 tons the previous year, according to the Sudanese Minerals Resources Company. Meanwhile, Sudan's imports from the UAE — the second largest source after China — have declined sharply during the war, dropping to between US$600 million and $800 million annually in 2023 and 2024, down from around $1.17 billion per year before the war, according to a source in the Finance Ministry. The source attributed the drop to the conflict's impact on commercial and industrial activity. Yet the trade balance between the two countries still yielded a surplus, providing Sudan with significant foreign currency to fund vital imports such as petroleum, medicines and other basic goods, according to the source. Much of Sudan's private sector relies on export revenues from gold, agricultural products and other commodities to finance their operations. *** Military, allied forces repel RSF attack on Fasher, dozens shot dead in raid on Abu Shouk camp Heavy fighting broke out this week in Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, in what a military source described as the fiercest RSF assault on the city in over a year. The offensive included a deadly raid on the Abu Shouk displacement camp, north of the city, which killed dozens of civilians. The RSF launched the assault at around 6:30 am on Monday, advancing from several directions in over 500 vehicles carrying troops and heavy weaponry, according to the military source. Drones were deployed extensively, striking Fasher's outskirts and residential areas before ground forces engaged. As part of the offensive, RSF fighters stormed the northern part of Abu Shouk camp, the camp's emergency room stated. Thirty-six civilians were killed, four others injured and six reported missing. Victims were shot dead in their homes and on the streets, while others were killed by stray bullets, according to the emergency room. Backed by the armed movements' joint force and Popular Resistance groups, the military repelled the attack on Fasher, the military source told Mada Masr. Initially withdrawing from some defensive positions to draw the RSF forward, particularly along the livestock market axis, they then launched a series of ambushes that inflicted heavy losses and forced the attackers to retreat to east Lafa Tagro on Fasher's outskirts. According to the joint force, 254 fighters were killed in the battle, with 16 combat vehicles destroyed and 34 others captured. The military announced that three RSF commanders were killed in the fighting and said that the attackers included mercenaries from Colombia, South Sudan and other countries. The RSF, for its part, said it made significant advances toward the military's Sixth Infantry Division headquarters. On Tuesday, it renewed its assault from the south and southwest, but the Sixth Infantry Division said it repelled the attack, killing more RSF fighters, destroying and seizing combat vehicles and chasing the fighters out of Fasher. A field source in the armed movements told Mada Masr that Colombian fighters were among those ambushed on Tuesday, with some killed and others captured. Social media accounts and news outlets circulated videos showing foreign mercenaries fighting alongside the RSF. Joint force spokesperson Ahmed Hussein Mostafa told Mada Masr that Colombian mercenaries have been involved in Fasher for about a year. He said that they initially travelled from the UAE to Benghazi, Libya, and then crossed the desert to Fasher. But after the military intercepted several convoys along the desert route, the path was changed to run from the UAE to Benghazi and then on to Nyala International Airport in South Darfur before reaching Fasher. Mostafa said that the RSF's foreign fighters also include mercenaries from Chad, the Central African Republic, Libya, Ethiopia, South Sudan and beyond Africa. He accused the UAE of supplying mercenaries to bolster the RSF after its core forces had been depleted, aiming to secure a victory in Fasher. Mostafa maintained that the situation on the ground remains 'fully under control,' dismissing claims of RSF advances into Fasher and saying the group suffered a 'crushing defeat' after amassing forces in Libya for the Monday assault. The RSF, he added, continues to rely on long-range artillery and strategic drone strikes from outside Fasher. *** Drone strike hits military-allied Sudan Shield Forces parade in eastern Gezira A drone strike on Wednesday targeted a Sudan Shield Forces parade in Tambul, eastern Gezira, during celebrations marking the 71st anniversary of the founding of the Sudanese Armed Forces. The event was attended by Sudan Shield Forces Commander Abu Agla Keikel. Three people were killed and 10 others injured, including children, a source in Tambul told Mada Masr. Ground defenses shot down two suicide drones, while a third hit its target and a fourth crashed in an empty area, they said. The Sudan Shield Forces accused the RSF of carrying out the attack, confirming civilian deaths and injuries, among them three children. The group said the assault could have killed hundreds of its fighters and civilians. In a statement after the incident, Keikel said the attack would not intimidate his forces, vowing to press ahead with their advance to 'liberate Kordofan and Darfur' and secure 'complete victory over the militias.' In recent weeks, at the military's request, the Sudan Shield Forces have deployed large numbers of troops to Kordofan fronts, where they made territorial gains and engaged in heavy clashes with RSF forces. *** UN Security Council rejects parallel govt in western Sudan The United Nations Security Council has rejected the RSF's announcement of a parallel government in western Sudan. In a statement on Wednesday, council members said the formation of such an administration poses a 'direct threat to Sudan's territorial integrity' and could fuel the ongoing fighting and deepen an already severe humanitarian crisis. The statement comes weeks after the RSF-led Tasis coalition declared the parallel government in late July, naming RSF Commander Mohamed Hamdan 'Hemedti' Dagalo head of its presidential council. Council members stressed that the priority remains the resumption of negotiations aimed at securing a permanent ceasefire and creating the conditions for an inclusive political settlement involving all Sudanese political and social forces. They also urged all UN member states to avoid any external interference that could prolong the war. While the Foreign Ministry welcomed the statement, the Tasis coalition said on Thursday that its government draws legitimacy from 'the support of large sectors of the population who have been deprived, by the authority in Port Sudan, of their most basic constitutional rights.' Speaking to Mada Masr, the RSF commander's advisor Omran Abdallah dismissed the UN council's statement as symbolic with no binding effect on the RSF. He said that the group agrees with many of the council's points regarding humanitarian conditions in Darfur and Kordofan and supports calls for aid access, but rejected what he described as allegations of an RSF-imposed siege on Fasher. Abdallah maintained that the RSF is working to protect civilians and said the Tasis-led government emerged from urgent public needs for essential services, including identity documents, currency, security, medicine, healthcare and education.
