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Born Free: South Africa's political future: GNU, budget 3.0 & 2026/2027 party elections?

Born Free: South Africa's political future: GNU, budget 3.0 & 2026/2027 party elections?

Mail & Guardian06-05-2025
This Week on the Born Free Podcast:
South African politics is at a crossroads—and
Budget 3.0
may be the tipping point.
Khumo Kumalo and Otsile Nkadimeng sit down with political journalist
Lunga Mzangwe
to unpack the turbulent road to a functioning Government of National Unity. Why did the original budget fail? Can the ANC and DA truly find common ground—or is a formal coalition agreement now inevitable?
The conversation also looks ahead: both parties are facing critical internal leadership transitions, with the DA's elective conference in 2026 and the ANC's in 2027. What do these power shifts mean for the country's future? Who will shape the next chapter of South African governance?
This episode dives deep into the political fault lines, ambitions, and uncertainties defining the moment.
🎙️ Don't miss this essential listen—where South Africa's political future is unpacked, challenged, and pushed forward.
Khumo Kumalo
is the visionary behind
Misunderstood
and the dynamic co-host of
Born Free
. Named one of the
Mail & Guardian's Top 200 Young South Africans of 2024
, he is a bold voice in the country's evolving political discourse.
As the author of
Newsletter
94
(formerly Misunderstood), Kumalo delves into South Africa's complex history and shifting political landscape, reflecting on the dreams and realities of a post-apartheid nation. His passion for debate and current affairs was ignited at
St John's College
, later taking him to
Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia
, where he continued to sharpen his perspective on leadership and social change.
Kumalo isn't just asking questions—he's challenging narratives, sparking conversations, and pushing South Africa's youth to rethink what it truly means to be
Born Free
.
Otsile Nkadimeng
is a
published author, policy writer, and changemaker
, balancing his role as a
second-year university student
with a deep commitment to youth empowerment. Recognized by
News24
for his impact and awarded the
Young Nelson Mandela Award in 2023
, he is shaping conversations on democracy, governance, and sustainability.
As the
Executive Director of SoWeVote
, a platform he co-founded, Nkadimeng is making it easier for young South Africans to access critical information about politics and democracy. His advocacy extends beyond borders—he serves as a
Youth Advisor to the Embassy of Sweden in Pretoria
and is a
fellow at the International Youth Think Tank
, where he contributes to global youth policy discussions.
Passionate about sustainability, he has co-founded and led multiple initiatives aimed at environmental and social progress across South Africa. Whether in civic engagement, international diplomacy, or grassroots activism, Nkadimeng is at the forefront of youth-led change, proving that young voices aren't just part of the conversation—they're leading it.
Disclaimer:
'Born Free'
is an opinion-based podcast and does not represent the views of M&G Media (PTY) LTD, its owners, affiliates, employees, or partners. The opinions expressed by the hosts and guests are their own and do not reflect the editorial stance of the Mail & Guardian.
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Is Zondo's Anti-Graft Crusade Political Grandstanding?
Is Zondo's Anti-Graft Crusade Political Grandstanding?

IOL News

time42 minutes ago

  • IOL News

Is Zondo's Anti-Graft Crusade Political Grandstanding?

Former Chief Justice and State Capture Commission Chair Raymond Zondo hands over the Commission's final report report to President Cyril Ramaphosa in Pretoria on June 22, 2022. Image: Oupa Mokoena/African News Agency(ANA) Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu Former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo recently surprised many South Africans when he miraculously turned his back against President Cyril Ramaphosa on corruption and ethical conduct. His main concern was that it pained him to swear in Ministers he had made findings against while he was chairing the State Capture Commission. This was seen as an indictment of both Ramaphosa and the ANC. But was Zondo genuine when he raised this concern, or was he grandstanding so that he could regain public trust following accusations that he was not objective in executing his mandate – something that resulted in the 2021 unrests in KZN and Gauteng? The answer to this question depends on whether one holds former Chief Justice Zondo in high regard or perceives him as someone who used his position as the chairperson of the Commission to either settle political scores or fight other people's battles. To get a better sense of the context of Zondo's public statement, we need to go back into the history of the Zondo Commission and related matters. In January 2018, former President Jacob Zuma was instructed by a court of law to comply with Advocate Thuli Madonsela's recommendation that a Commission of Inquiry should be appointed to investigate the state of capture. She went further to propose that the person to chair this Commission must be appointed by the Chief Justice, not Zuma. This was done. Many things went wrong during the Commission's sitting. Zondo was accused of lacking impartiality. A case in point was his cordial interaction with President Ramaphosa, which was different from his engagement with Zuma. When Zuma felt ill-treated during his first appearance, he refused to return to the Commission. Zondo took the matter to the Constitutional Court, which tried Zuma in absentia and sent him to jail for fifteen months. This resulted in the July 2021 unrest. Another concern was when Zondo promised people like Lucky Montana and others that they would be allowed to present their side of the story. This never happened. The same happened with Arthur Fraser, who was accused of stealing what was first said to be R9 billion but later changed to R9 million. These are just some of the many things that went wrong in the Commission. After some extensions and additional funding, which pushed the Commission's budget to close to R1 billion, the first report was submitted to Ramaphosa on January 4, 2022, with Part 2 being submitted on June 22, 2022. About 1400 individuals were implicated in the report, rightly or wrongly so. Seven years after the Commission was appointed in 2018, the implementation of its recommendations has not been completed. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading In October 2022, Ramaphosa published his response to the Commission's report, which contained 60 action items. By November 2023, of that number, 29 items or 48% were said to have either been completed or substantially completed. Another 14 items or 23% were said to be on track, with the remaining 17 items or 29% still requiring attention and processing. When the next update report was tabled at the end of March 2025, it made for an interesting read, stating that the completion rate stood at 18%. Items which were said to have been completed but still needed further action stood at 30%. Items that were reported to be on track remained at 23% while those that still required further action stood at 7%. The success or failure of the Zondo Commission is assessed from different vantage points. The report stating that an estimated $605 million or R11 billion has been recovered following the Commission's findings saw some patting themselves on the back and being over the moon for a huge success. But those who look at the overall figure, which is sometimes estimated to be a trillion rand, argue that the figure mentioned above is a drop in the ocean. Why is Zondo suddenly finding his voice? Is he genuine when he raises his concerns, or does he hope to rewrite his history? Is he trying to compete with his predecessor, former Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, by trying to leave behind a good legacy? Should his public statements be seen as his subtle way to demonstrate the independence of the judiciary, thereby nullifying the perception that it has lost credibility? Put differently, should Zondo's seeming attack on Ramaphosa be perceived as an attempt to redeem his image or that of the collective in the judiciary? These are all pertinent questions. If the argument is that there are things Zondo could not say while he was in office, it would be plausible to advance the argument that it is only now that he can do so. However, even this line of argument cannot be sustained. Zondo retired on August 31, 2024. Surely, he had ample time since then to honestly reflect on his term as the Chairperson of the State Capture Commission and the frustration he endured when he had to swear in Ministers he had made findings against. Surely, Zondo did not make any finding against Ramaphosa on the Phala Phala matter. But from an ethical point of view, did he ever feel uncomfortable having to swear in Ramaphosa as the country's President with the Phala Phala matter hanging over his head? By extension, are Zondo's concerns confined to Cabinet Ministers, or do they extend to ordinary Members of Parliament who also had thick clouds hanging over their heads? Importantly, did Zondo have the same feeling when he had to swear in Ministers and MPs who were only accused during the sitting of his Commission but were never allowed to present their side of the story? If the answer is in the affirmative, I would be extremely worried. His concern would amount to staged authenticity. However, if his answer is in the negative, then his newly found conscience would indeed be genuine. In a nutshell, there is more to Zondo's public statement than meets the eye! * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

SA's police serve ANC insiders, not the people: Here's how it happened
SA's police serve ANC insiders, not the people: Here's how it happened

The Citizen

time2 hours ago

  • The Citizen

SA's police serve ANC insiders, not the people: Here's how it happened

The late national police commissioner Jackie Selebi was an ANC insider. After South Africa's first democratic elections in 1994, there was significant optimism about police reform in the country. Impressive steps were taken to bring the South African Police Service (Saps) under civilian control and to create a service responsive to calls for assistance from the public. During the apartheid period, South Africa's police worked to preserve the political order and pursue political opponents. It did not focus on dealing with crime. This is why the achievements of the 1990s are so important. For the first time, black South Africans could call upon officers to respond to personal emergencies. This period also saw a drop in crime levels. However, this promising early transformation was interrupted. The appointment of Jackie Selebi as national police commissioner in 2000 heralded a new era. Selebi was an African National Congress (ANC) insider. The ANC originated as a liberation movement and has governed the country since 1994. Selebi had served as the head of the ANC's Youth League in the 1980s, when it was banned. In 1987 he was appointed to the organisation's national executive committee, its highest decision-making organ. His appointment as police commissioner was the start of significant change in the purpose of policing. It marked the end of the focus on civilian control of the police force and prosecuting authorities. As an ANC insider, Selebi led efforts to establish party control over the police. ALSO READ: Madlanga inquiry: Mkhwanazi first to be consulted This politicisation gained momentum over the next two decades. In the early years it was exemplified by the suspension of the head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), Advocate Vusi Pikoli, by then president Thabo Mbeki, amid corruption allegations against Selebi himself. Other telling developments ensued. The Scorpions were disbanded in 2009 by acting president Kgalema Motlanthe. The unit's job was to pursue high-profile cases against senior ANC politicians (among others). The police became increasingly entangled in the ANC's internal political conflicts. At the same time the office of the national police commissioner experienced high turnover due to intense political manoeuvring. Between 2009 and 2022, there were seven national commissioners. Recent developments have once again brought the intermingling of police work and power battles in the ANC to the fore. In early July 2025, Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the commissioner of police in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, made some startling claims. He called a press conference and, wearing camouflage uniform, he implicated the minister of police, Senzo Mchunu, together with the deputy national commissioner for crime detection, in a scheme to close down investigations into political assassinations in the province. President Cyril Ramaphosa rushed back from a meeting of the Brics countries in Brazil to attend to the matter. He announced that the police minister had been placed on leave with immediate effect. He also announced a judicial inquiry into the allegations. I have conducted research into South Africa's security apparatus over the last decade. Based on this work, and new research forthcoming in the Journal of Southern African Studies done with Jelena Vidojevic, co-founder of the New South Institute, it is clear that elite contestation in the ANC is intensifying. In other words, the ability of internal party structures to manage gatekeeping is declining. Many of the people involved are indifferent or even hostile to South Africa's democratic and constitutional order. As the ability of some political elites to access state resources through the party declines, some are linked with organised criminal networks. Organised crime has been on the edges of South African politics. It now risks taking a more central role. In this environment, the police service will often be the thin (blue) line between multiparty contestation according to constitutional rules and the criminalisation of politics in South Africa. The shift Large organisational changes within the police vividly illustrate this shift away from its core function. The Visible Policing programme was meant to meant to deter crime through patrols, checkpoints and roadblocks. But, instead, there was a steady decline in resource allocation. Employee numbers dropped between 2015 and 2021. Detective services and crime intelligence also experienced such declines. Conversely, employee numbers in the Protection and Security Services programme, responsible for providing bodyguards to politicians, increased sharply between 2014 and 2016. Evidence heard by the commission of inquiry into state capture suggested that some officers and budgets in the service were even used to supply President Jacob Zuma and other politicians with what amounted to a private militia. READ MORE: Police investigate allegations of Basotho military-style training camps in South Africa This reorientation of resources coincided with a rise in crime across the country, a decline in arrests by 24.5%, and a drop in the police's efficacy in solving crimes. Furthermore, a politicised police leadership effectively stopped policing various categories of crime. This was particularly true of offences like fraud, corruption, and certain types of theft, and particularly when politically connected persons were involved. The state capture commission heard extensive evidence about the failure of the police to pursue politically sensitive investigations. Investigations into senior officials were frequently frustrated or impeded, and cases at state-owned enterprises were abandoned. This shows how police resources were actively redirected as weapons of elite competition, pursuing political enemies and protecting allies within the ruling party. Mkhwanazi's claims, if substantiated, suggest that this political policing remains entrenched. What now? Ramaphosa has announced the appointment of Firoz Cachalia as the acting minister of police. Cachalia, a well regarded legal academic, served as ANC minister for community safety. Between 2019 and 2022 he was part of the ANC's national executive committee. His appointment raises serious questions. If the core problem with the police is that it has become embroiled in ANC internal politics, having an ANC insider head the ministry of police (even if only on an acting basis) threatens only to compound the problem. Moreover, South Africans have already witnessed a long and expensive judicial inquiry into state capture. And despite extensive evidence of police failure to pursue politically sensitive investigations, nothing concrete has come of it. READ MORE: Ramaphosa says Madlanga commission mustn't take more than one year How likely is it that this new initiative will be any different, especially if those investigating it and presiding over key institutions are themselves ANC insiders? To depoliticise the police service and redirect its attention and activities towards crime and emergencies, a crucial first step is to reconsider the appointment processes for the national police commissioner and other top managers. Under the current system the president has sole discretion. This bakes party-political considerations into the decision-making process. Without structural changes, genuine democratic policing will remain an elusive ideal. In 2024/25 the murder rate in South Africa stood at 42 per 100,000, among the highest in the world and close to levels not seen since the early 2000s. At the very least, the minister of police must not be an ANC insider. Democratic renewal in South Africa requires bringing the police firmly under parliamentary control. This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article here.

FW de Klerk Foundation urges South Africa to diversify trade amid US tariffs
FW de Klerk Foundation urges South Africa to diversify trade amid US tariffs

The Star

time2 hours ago

  • The Star

FW de Klerk Foundation urges South Africa to diversify trade amid US tariffs

Bongani Hans | Published 17 hours ago Apartheid's last president, FW De Klerk's foundation has added its voice in calling for South Africa to stop being overly reliant on America and look elsewhere for trade deals amid concerns over President Donald Trump's 30% tariffs on exports. In what could be seen as the country's population bending together against the economic squeezing tariffs, the foundation echoed DA leader John Steenhuisen in calling for the country to spread its wings wider, looking for alternative markets across the world. Steenhuisen, in his capacity as Agriculture minister, said recently that the country is strengthening its trade alliances with the likes of Chile, Peru, and New Zealand 'to jointly lobby for fair and stable trade treatment of fresh produce' through the Southern Hemisphere Association of Fresh Fruit Exporters. He also said the state had finalised new phytosanitary protocols for the export of avocados to China, table grapes to Vietnam and the Philippines, and maize to India. FW de Klerk Foundation's Ismail Joosub called for the strengthening of trading ties ' with our BRICS partners and Africa'. The foundation was concerned about the South African Reserve Bank warning that the tariffs could cost the country around 100,000 jobs, 'hitting our agriculture and automotive sectors the hardest.' South Africa is a member of BRICS, which the US sees as a threat to its global economic and political dominance. 'China's vast market, for instance, can buy more of our minerals, wine, and fruits. 'India, Brazil, and others present growing export destinations if we proactively pursue them,' Joosub said in a statement. He issued the statement on Friday, the same day Trump implemented the tariffs, which he said would be effective on August 7. According to, Charles A. Ray, a chairperson of the US-based Foreign Policy Research Institute's African Program and former US ambassador to Cambodia and Zimbabwe, US was unhappy with South Africa's proximity to China and Russia and its membership with BRICS. He said it ' has since become an alternate political forum to the US-led West, seeking to shift the global order more to the advantage of China and to move away from the US dollar's domination of the global economy'. According to one of Trump's Executive Orders, South Africa was undermining the US's foreign policy and posed threats to the US and its allies' security and interests. ' Our government is already working with industry to find alternative markets for our goods and support affected sectors with contingency plans. 'We should build on this by ramping up trade promotion in Asia, the Middle East and across Africa. 'In short, if one door closes, we must be ready to open many others,' said Joosub. He said another step to protect and grow the economy was to invest in youth, skilling young people by taking advantage of an initiative that China has established through its Luban Workshops, which are vocational training centres in nearly 20 countries. 'South Africa should welcome such initiatives and even expand them here at home, [as] at last year's BRICS summit in Johannesburg, a BRICS Skills Challenge showcased how collaboration in fields like robotics, data science and aerospace can help our youth develop critical skills. 'Millions of talented South African youth remain on the margins, [so] we need to harness their potential through education, training and entrepreneurship support,' he said. Joosub also called for the country to look at technical exchange programs, scholarships, and joint research with programmes with China, India and others to help the country cultivate much-needed skills in engineering, artisans and the innovation sectors. 'By equipping young South Africans with world-class skills, we not only reduce unemployment but also make our economy more competitive globally. 'Our Constitution's preamble enjoins us to ' free the potential of each person , ' and there is no greater potential waiting to be freed than that of our youth,' he said. The foundation was concerned that unemployment was already at 32,9% and youth unemployment exceeded 46%. 'We cannot afford further blows. It's a stark reminder that nearly half of young South Africans struggle to find work,' he said. He said the US was punishing South Africa for its domestic policies, including affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment, and the country's diplomatic stance on the Russia-Ukraine war and a genocide case against Israel , which he said the US views as creating barriers or running counter to its interests. 'We should be candid: while the American approach is blunt, it has exposed fault lines in our own house. 'This tariff standoff is, in part, a reaction to our policy choices - and it compels us to reflect on whether those choices are achieving their intended goals,' said Joosub. President Cyril Ramaphosa believes his administration will still be able to find a way out of the 30% tariffs before August 7. [email protected]

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