Bangladesh's Yunus meets key party leader in London
Bangladesh's interim leader Muhammad Yunus met in London on Friday (June 13, 2025) with the leader of the South Asian nation's key party that many expect to be the frontrunner in elections next year.
Tarique Rahman, 59, the son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, is the acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which is widely seen as likely to sweep elections that Mr Yunus said will be held in April.
The exact date of the elections remains a sticking point but they will be the first in the nation of around 170 million people since a student-led revolt ousted former premier Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, ending her iron-fisted 15-year rule.
Mr Yunus and Mr Rahman were shown smiling and shaking hands in the meeting in London, according to photographs released by the government press team, although relations between the caretaker government and the BNP have been rocky.
Mr Yunus's government warned last month that political power struggles risked jeopardising gains that have been made, saying that holding elections by mid-2026 would give them time to overhaul democratic institutions.
Ms Hasina's rule saw widespread human rights abuses and her government was accused of politicising courts and the civil service, as well as staging lopsided elections.
Under pressure from political parties, including the BNP, Mr Yunus said this month that polls will be held in April.
However, the BNP has continued to push for an earlier date.
The BNP said on Friday (June 13, 2025) it wanted to hold the elections before Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting, begins around February 17.
Khalilur Rahman, a senior member of Mr Yunus' cabinet, said it was possible that the 'election will be held earlier provided significant progresses in reforms and trials are made'.
Key BNP leader Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said they "hope we can reach a consensus on the reforms soon".
Mr Yunus, 84, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, has said he will not continue the caretaker role he took up at the behest of student protesters after Ms Hasina fled by helicopter to India.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
Bangladesh post-Yunus: Is the Army waiting in the wings?
Gen Uz-Zaman seems to have convinced his nation – and the international community – that he was not plotting to overthrow the civilian government, even if unelected. However, that may still happen if the Yunus dispensation discovers new reasons and justifications to put off the promised poll by the promised time read more As far as elections are concerned, octogenarian Yunus has already declared that he would not contest. That makes things easier for others but not for those who hoisted him to power. Image: AP On the face of it, Bangladesh's chief advisor, Mohamed Yunus, has successfully thwarted army chief Gen Waker-Uz-Zaman's bid to re-democratise the nation by declaring national elections between December and June next. Earlier, the 'good general' had set a December deadline for the self-styled civilian government to conduct elections and transfer power. The fact is that the army chief has actually won the first round between the two. Rather, it was the open first round, as he only seemed wanting to make Yunus commit himself to a deadline for completing the election process and re-democratise public administration. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In a way, it was his second victory. The unacknowledged first victory occurred when the Yunus government had to retain Gen Uz-Zaman as army chief after the latter had helped Awami League (AL) Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to leave the country at the height of the nationwide anti-Hasina protests that caused more death and destruction on the streets than any other popular protests in the past. The mayhem continued for a long time when pro-government student activists, who formed the core of new ministers, continued killing Awami League leaders and their families and burnt down their homes and businesses. Soon it degraded to anti-Hindu riots, and all of it quietened after a time when India protested loud and clear. The new Dhaka leadership read the writing on the wall. But the riots and mayhem also showed the world the kind of fate that awaited Sheikh Hasina if sent back home to Dhaka from India, where she had taken shelter. After all, global memory is not as short as often believed. The world pretty well remembered how Gen Zia-ul-Haq had overthrown Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was executed under court orders in a trumped-up case in Pakistan, also in this part of the world. Now, when Team Yunus is repeatedly reminding India to send Hasina back to stand trial in multiple criminal cases, where the death sentence is the maximum penalty, the world understands and appreciates New Delhi's reluctance. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Radicals, manageable Gen Uz-Zaman seems to have convinced his nation – and more so the international community – that he was not plotting to overthrow the civilian government, even if unelected. That may still happen if the Yunus dispensation discovers new reasons and justifications to put off the promised poll by the promised time. Yet, the general belief is that even if the army took over power in Bangladesh now or a little later, as long as the incumbent continues in that place, he would use the occasion only to hand over power to an elected dispensation as soon as possible. Since the political coup in August last year, there are enough indications that the instability outside has not rocked the boat with the armed forces. That is saying a lot. Whether it is a civilian rule now or a military dispensation – for argument's sake – the nation's economy is so messy that no one wants to step in. Unlike the Pakistani parent, with which Yunus is getting uncomfortably chummy along with China, the armed forces in Bangladesh, while being powerful, do not have as many business interests. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD More importantly, a couple of decades of democracy – including the controversial later part under Hasina – have sort of imbibed the values of the people. Even the anti-Hasina protests were for more democracy, which is why it succeeded more than the plotters from outside the country and perpetrators from within might have imagined. Thus, even interest groups in the armed forces desirous of perpetuating a fundamentalist religious agenda for the nation seem clear about having to live with democracy and hence Gen Uz-Zaman, too. Yet, there is no denying that there are those radical/extremist elements in the armed forces, too, but their numbers seem to be 'manageable'. Strong second line Team Yunus has already banned Awami League from entering the election fray. A free and fair election cannot happen unless the AL is restored the freedom to contest, even if Hasina is not given the option to return home as a free bird. There is no knowing if her party cadres would feel encouraged to contest as Independents, as has been the case under similar circumstances elsewhere. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD That should leave the Opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the democratic favourite. In her late seventies and ailing, Khaleda is sick, but the party, unlike the AL, has a strong second line capable of stepping in. That includes Begum's son, Tarique Rahman, considered radical and fundamentalist compared to his mother. Begum Zia used such ones as the Jamaat-i-Islami only as allies to win elections. She did not seem to suffer from their ideological orientation. For their part, the radical students' groups that forced Hasina's exit have announced the formation of a political party, indicating the compulsion on them, too, for democratic mainstreaming. It is still questionable if their leaders would have the experience and expertise to run an elected government in difficult times, especially given their radicalism and prejudices – including against India. Desecrating Tagore Yunus' pushing the army's deadline for early elections by six months seems also to obtain time for the student groups to organise themselves into a political party. It is not just about the organisational structure alone. It is a mind-set that they need to change. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It is about learning new things that most of them are unfamiliar with. Today, they are running a government under duress, as independent bureaucrats are too scared to give their considered view on issues. The continued desecration, first of Hasina's father, 'Bangabandhu' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's statue, and now targeting the hereditary properties of Rabindranath Tagore, displays the kind of warped mindset that is at work. Tagore is just not a Bengali poet who won the Nobel Prize in his time. Instead, Tagore holds the unique status as the author of the national anthems of two nations at independence – of India first and Bangladesh later. The desecration of Tagore's ancestral properties, now in Bangladesh, sends out a different message in context. What is next in store remains to be seen. Questions, no answers As far as elections are concerned, octogenarian Yunus has already declared that he would not contest. That makes things easier for others but not for those who hoisted him to power, from both within the country and outside. Literally, he was 'para-dropped' in Dhaka after Hasina had left. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If Yunus is going to keep his word, then who will succeed him, especially in an elected dispensation? Can there be an 'inclusive elections' without lifting the ban on Awami League, if not personally on Hasina? Indications were that the army too desired the same but has not come out in the open with its agenda for free and inclusive elections – in which they should show interest for sure. Without Sheikh Hasina, the field is wide open for the BNP and Khaleda on the one side and multiple groups that want to form a political party on the other. This is not to forget the entrenched fundamentalist outfit in the Jamaat, which may not want to dissolve its historic identity and opportunity in a small coterie that does not know where to go next. This raises more questions than answers. Traditional sphere The clock began ticking for Bangladesh as a nation long ago, when the economy began losing its earlier gains, mainly due to the Covid lockdown – but never retrieved lost ground. The anti-Hasina protests were thus timed for channelising the anti-incumbency against her government, where democracy deficit was only one aspect. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Hasina has since named names about those behind the plot against her. She has conceded earlier speculation that she was toppled because she refused to hand over St Martin Island to the US for military purposes. From an Indian perspective, any US interest in St Martin Island or any such move aimed at possessing a strategic asset in and around India's 'traditional sphere of influence' is only one rung below the Chinese attitude and approach in such matters. Unlike China, which dumps good money after bad, the US continues to do it through arm-twisting, one way or the other. In recent times, as witnessed in Sri Lanka two years prior to the 'Bangladesh revolution', US interests, as different from their Western friends and counterparts, have made 'mass-uprising' a cause for 'regime-change' when their camp-followers for the present especially are not popular enough to win elections and capture power through democratic means. Street anarchy seems to be their way; in the current edition, after earlier, poll-based attempts at 'regime change' did not produce the desired results. In a small way, India is caught between the US and China, which are fighting their war of supremacy in India's waters, in India's region, without firing a single shot as yet. They are loath to do it in their common Pacific Ocean region, which they seem to want to leave undisturbed and unmolested as long as they can. Nations like Bangladesh in our neighbourhood become chosen yet unwitting victims of the same. That is the larger picture for you – but then, when it comes to mending the smaller picture, where it all should still begin, it is in the hands of Bangladeshis, the political class, armed forces and the rest of them all included! The writer is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator. Email: sathiyam54@ Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
New Indian Express
2 hours ago
- New Indian Express
Iran launches missile attack on Israel as retaliation, 1 death reported
Iran struck Israel early Saturday with barrages of missiles after a massive onslaught targeted the Islamic republic's nuclear and military facilities, and killed several top generals.
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
3 hours ago
- First Post
Is Netanyahu aiming for a regime change in Iran with Operation Rising Lion?
The strikes early on Friday hit not just Iran's nuclear facilities and missile factories but also key figures in the country's military chain of command and its nuclear scientists, blows that appear aimed at diminishing Iran's credibility both at home and among its allies in the region read more Israel's surprise attack on Iran had an obvious goal of sharply disrupting Tehran's nuclear programme and lengthening the time it would need to develop an atomic weapon. But the scale of the attacks, Israel's choice of targets, and its politicians' own words suggest another, longer-term ambition: toppling the regime itself. The strikes early on Friday hit not just Iran's nuclear facilities and missile factories but also key figures in the country's military chain of command and its nuclear scientists, blows that appear aimed at diminishing Iran's credibility both at home and among its allies in the region - factors that could destabilize the Iranian leadership, experts said. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'One assumes that one of the reasons that Israel is doing that is that they're hoping to see regime change,' said Michael Singh of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and a former senior official under President George W. Bush. 'It would like to see the people of Iran rise up,' he said, adding that the limited civilian casualties in the initial round of attacks also spoke to a broader aim. In a video address hours after Israeli fighter jets began striking Iranian nuclear facilities and air defence systems, Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, appealed to the Iranian people directly. 'The Islamic regime, which has oppressed you for almost 50 years, threatens to destroy our country, the State of Israel,' Netanyahu said. Israel's objective was to remove the nuclear and ballistic missile threat, he said, but added: 'As we achieve our objective, we are also clearing the path for you to achieve your freedom. 'The regime does not know what hit them, or what will hit them. It has never been weaker. This is your opportunity to stand up and let your voices be heard,' Netanyahu said. But despite the damage inflicted by the unprecedented Israeli attack, decades of enmity toward Israel - not only among Iran's rulers but its majority-Shi'ite population - raises questions about the prospect for fomenting enough public support to oust an entrenched theocratic leadership in Tehran backed by loyal security forces. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Singh cautioned that no one knows what conditions would be required for an opposition to coalesce in Iran. Friday's assault was the first phase of what Israel said would be a prolonged operation. Experts said they expected Israel would continue to go after key Iranian nuclear infrastructure to delay Tehran's march to a nuclear bomb - even if Israel on its own does not have the capability to eliminate Iran's nuclear program. Iran says its nuclear programme is for civilian purposes only. The U.N. nuclear watchdog concluded this week that it was in violation of its obligations under the global non-proliferation treaty. Israel's first salvoes targeted senior figures in Iran's military and scientific establishment, took out much of the country's air defence system and destroyed the above-ground enrichment plant at Iran's nuclear site. 'As a democratic country, the State of Israel believes that it is up to the people of a country to shape their national politics, and choose their government,' the Israeli embassy in Washington told Reuters. 'The future of Iran can only be determined by the Iranian people.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Netanyahu has called for a change in Iran's government, including in September. U.S. President Donald Trump's administration, while acquiescing to Israel's strikes and helping its close ally fend off Iran's retaliatory missile barrage, has given no indication that it seeks regime change in Tehran. The White House and Iran's mission to the United Nations in New York also did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the matter. Ending nuclear programme beyond reach for now Israel has much further to go if it is to dismantle Iran's nuclear facilities, and military analysts have always said it might be impossible to totally disable the well-fortified sites dotted around Iran. The Israeli government has also cautioned that Iran's nuclear programme could not be entirely destroyed by means of a military campaign. 'There's no way to destroy a nuclear programme by military means,' Israel's National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi told Israel's Channel 13 TV. The military campaign could, however, create conditions for a deal with the United States that would thwart the nuclear programme. Analysts also remain sceptical that Israel will have the munitions needed to obliterate Iran's nuclear project on its own. 'Israel probably cannot take out completely the nuclear project on its own without the American participation,' Sima Shine, a former chief Mossad analyst and now a researcher at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies, told reporters on Friday. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While setting back Tehran's nuclear programme would have value for Israel, the hope for undermining the regime could explain why Israel went after so many senior military figures, potentially throwing the Iranian security establishment into confusion and chaos. 'These people were very vital, very knowledgeable, many years in their jobs, and they were a very important component of the stability of the regime, specifically the security stability of the regime,' said Shine. 'In the ideal world, Israel would prefer to see a change of regime, no question about that,' she said. But such a change would come with risk, said Jonathan Panikoff, a former U.S. deputy national intelligence officer for the Middle East who is now at the Atlantic Council. If Israel succeeds in removing Iran's leadership, there is no guarantee the successor that emerges would not be even more hardline in pursuit of conflict with Israel. 'For years, many in Israel have insisted that regime change in Iran would prompt a new and better day - that nothing could be worse than the current theocratic regime,' Panikoff said. 'But history tells us it can always be worse.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
