
Op Sindoor debate: More heat and dust than light
The attack in Pahalgam was a grim reminder of the persistent threat India faces from cross-border terrorism. It demanded a thoughtful and unified political response. Instead, what unfolded in Parliament was a spectacle in which politicians from all sides sought to score points.
The ruling party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, appeared more focused on defending its decisions than on explaining them. When questioned about the sudden cessation of military action, government representatives offered ambiguous and unconvincing replies.
A significant point of contention was whether the ceasefire—announced shortly after Indian forces appeared to have gained the upper hand—was influenced by external pressure, particularly from then-US President Donald Trump. The government categorically denied this, yet failed to provide a clear and credible rationale for the abrupt halt in operations.
This lack of transparency has left a lingering sense of confusion and mistrust. Why stop military action when momentum was on our side? If the ceasefire was a strategic choice, what were the broader diplomatic or security calculations behind it? These are valid questions that need to be answered, especially by the Prime Minister, who has consistently positioned himself as a strong leader in matters of national security. Yet, the response from the ruling party was defensive and evasive—an opportunity for meaningful engagement was lost.
On the other side of the aisle, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi offered a scathing critique of the Modi government's handling of the situation, focusing on lapses in intelligence, decision-making, and communication. While some of these criticisms were substantive, his refusal to acknowledge the commendable military response mounted during the later stages of the 88-hour conflict was deeply disappointing.
By refusing to accept the Modi government's role in ensuring military preparedness, Gandhi missed a crucial opportunity to rise above partisan politics and demonstrate statesmanship.
In moments of national crisis, political unity—at least on matters of defence and security—is not only desirable but a sine qua non. The inability of key Opposition figures to offer even measured praise to military preparedness reflects a troubling trend in Indian politics, where partisanship routinely trumps patriotism.
What the debate over Operation Sindoor ultimately reveals is that India's political leadership is still struggling to strike a balance between partisan gains and the national interest. Criticism of the government is entirely valid—indeed, necessary in a vibrant democracy.
But such criticism must be grounded in facts, aimed at improvement, and free from the corrosive influence of electoral compulsions. Similarly, those in power must learn to engage with uncomfortable questions, not deflect them through rhetorical flourishes or indulge in whataboutery.
India deserves better from its elected representatives—leaders who are not only politically astute but also morally courageous, willing to put the national interest above party lines, especially during times of crisis. If Operation Sindoor taught us anything, it is that unity and clarity in purpose must accompany strength in action.

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Hindustan Times
24 minutes ago
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President Trump's 2018 New Year Day tweet exemplified this view. The tweet underlined US foolishness in giving Pakistan billions of dollars in aid in return for deceit and lies! This was consistent with emergent US narratives about Pakistan, but that it was from the President himself made it doubly significant. Through the Biden tenure matters crystallised at a low plateau of bad blood and mutual recriminations. The US's final withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 in disorder and disarray added another layer to the deep strategic mistrust and suspicion that now characterised the relationship. President Biden did not have even a telecon with Imran Khan during the time he was PM and Imran Khan in turn blamed the US for his premature ouster from power. In the meantime, most US military and security assistance was suspended. What perhaps hurt Pakistan the most was the impact this had on training programmes for Pakistan military officers in the US. 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There had been earlier indicators of change beginning with President Trump's acknowledgement of Pakistan's counter-terrorism assistance in his State of the Union Address in March 2025. The allocation of a significant financial package as assistance to Pakistan for maintaining its F16 aircraft despite an otherwise stringent foreign aid cutback, was another. Alongside, more even-handed references to the India-Pakistan dynamic, meetings and telephone conversations between the US secretary of State and senior Pakistan leaders further underlined this shift. The announcement of a US-Pakistan Trade Agreement, albeit with a 19% tariff on imports from Pakistan, and Trump's enthusiastic references to hydrocarbon exploration and investment, are but the latest in this trend. The trade agreement may not be the best deal Pakistan could have got, but it is not as bad as could have been, and in any case some deal was better than no deal as far as the government of Pakistan was concerned. 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Some argue that this shift in policy was also pushed along by crypto currency deals, and by US interest in potential Pakistani reserves of rare earth minerals. Each of these explanations may have some merit but perhaps the weight of any or all of these should not be exaggerated. Instead, it is useful to refocus on some basics. Pakistan is the fifth largest country in the world in terms of population with some 250 million people. It is riven by instability. It has nuclear weapons. It is situated in a sensitive geo-political location, almost in a global fault line. Given these attributes it was always only a matter of time that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would reverse and US interest in Pakistan would reignite. We are at that stage now. All major powers decide on policies based on an appreciation of their own interests and their own understandings of evolving situations. To think that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would have simply continued or that the US would see developments from our perspective alone is, and never was, a realistic assessment. We should take this shift in our stride. If some in India feel betrayed or dismayed at this turn of events, they have only themselves to blame. TCA Raghavan is a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan. The views expressed are personal.


Hindustan Times
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Scroll.in
24 minutes ago
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