logo
Pak on the verge of breaking up: RSS

Pak on the verge of breaking up: RSS

Hans India30-04-2025

New Delhi: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) senior leader Indresh Kumar strongly condemned the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, terming it 'shameful, disgusting, and insulting.'
Speaking to ANI, he said, 'This is shameful, disgusting and insulting. There is no limit to brutality. Therefore, no amount of condemnation is enough, and those who are directly or indirectly involved in this should be taught a lesson. A voice should be raised in Jammu and Kashmir that we are Hindustani first, then we are Kashmiri, Dogri, Pandit, and Punjabi. We should give a befitting reply with this voice...'
He further claimed that Pakistan is on the verge of disintegration, with regions like Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, PoJK, and Punjab seeking independence. He stated that Pakistan's attempts to foster hatred against India will not prevent its collapse.
'Today, Pakistan is standing on the brink, and Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, POJK, and Punjab are demanding independence from it. Pakistan is standing on the brink of breaking up. They think that by creating hatred against India, they will save themselves but this is not possible...,' he said.
Addressing a press conference, a senior Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) leader emphasised the need for a deep investigation into a recent terrorist incident where the attacker reportedly inquired about the victim's religion before striking.
'I'm not alone in saying terrorists have no religion--many share this view. However, in this case, the terrorists' actions raise questions about their motives, which must be thoroughly investigated,' he stated.
Reflecting on decades of violence, the leader pointed out, 'Over the past 30-40 years, countless innocents have been killed. At their funerals, no one has recited Gurbani or the Geeta. If we truly believe terrorism has no religion, this principle must be consistently upheld.'
He called for both Jammu & Kashmir and the rest of India to unequivocally disassociate from all forms of terrorism.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva?
What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva?

The Wire

timean hour ago

  • The Wire

What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva?

Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Politics What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva? Suman Nath 6 minutes ago Their strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, and underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape. From left, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, Mamata Banerjee and Rahul Gandhi. Photos: Official X accounts. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has profoundly influenced India's public sphere by integrating marginalised communities into its Hindutva narrative. This is not merely an electoral strategy but a long-term social reconstruction project. Far from being static, the RSS employs technology and a language of inclusivity, compelling opposition leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi to adopt elements of Hindutva to suit regional, electoral, and ideological needs, while balancing their secular credentials. Mamata Banerjee Mamata Banerjee, leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), practices a 'soft Hindutva' to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) aggressive Hindu nationalism while preserving her secular image. Her approach is rooted in Bengali cultural identity, particularly through prioritising and promoting Durga Puja by funding clubs, organising a carnival, and substantially supporting local fairs and festivals – positioning her as a defender of Bengali culture in contrast to the 'outsider' narrative spun against the BJP. During the 2021 West Bengal elections, she recited the Chandi Path, visited temples, and patronised lesser-known festivals to gain grassroots legitimacy. Unlike the BJP's confrontational Hindutva, Mamata blends Hindu symbolism with secular rhetoric, visiting both temples and mosques to avoid alienating minority voters. She countered the BJP's 'Jai Shri Ram' slogans by emphasising Bengal's Durga worship tradition, even linking it to the deity Ram. After the 2019 Lok Sabha election losses, the TMC organised Brahmin meets, announced allowances to Sanatan Brahmins, and continued supporting Durga Puja committees, all to appeal to Hindu voters, without alienating her Muslim base, for whom she announced a stipend for Imams. This strategic balancing act helped neutralise the BJP's claim that she leans towards Muslims, and contributed to TMC's decisive 2021 victory. The construction of the Jagannath temple in Digha, located in opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari's stronghold, further exemplifies her culturally diverse and inclusive Hindutva. Critics, including BJP leaders, call this 'adulterated' Hindutva, and her approach risks alienating Muslim voters – though her inclusive rhetoric has largely mitigated this. Arvind Kejriwal Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has adopted soft Hindutva since 2019 to expand beyond the party's anti-corruption and governance roots, aiming to neutralise the BJP's monopoly over Hindu voters while maintaining a secular image. His public displays of Hindu devotion include reciting the Hanuman Chalisa, visiting temples, and describing himself as a ' Hanuman bhakt.' AAP's schemes – such as free pilgrimages to Ayodhya for seniors and plans to make Uttarakhand a 'global spiritual capital ' – align with Hindu sentiments but lack the BJP's aggressive rhetoric. Kejriwal avoids anti-minority messaging, emphasising constitutional values in AAP's manifestos to solidify his position as an opposition figure. This shift became more pronounced after AAP's defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Delhi. Kejriwal's use of Hindu symbolism contributed to AAP regaining ground in the 2020 Delhi assembly elections, decisively defeating the BJP. In states like Gujarat and Punjab, his soft Hindutva, combined with promises of free electricity and education, expanded AAP's footprint, though the party's organisational strength remains limited. Critics note that Kejriwal's silence on issues like the Citizenship Amendment Act has alienated Muslim voters and compromises AAP's secular ethos. The 2025 Delhi result perhaps reflects the cost of this gamble: the BJP, along with the NDA, won 48 seats, and AAP was reduced to 22. His approach lacks the ideological depth of the BJP's Hindutva or the cultural rootedness of Mamata's strategy, reflecting political opportunism more than conviction. Uddhav Thackeray The Shiv Sena, a regional party in Maharashtra, has historically embraced a hardline Hindutva distinct from the BJP's nationalistic version. Under Bal Thackeray, the party was aggressively anti-Muslim and tied to Marathi identity, notably during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. Under Uddhav Thackeray, the party has moderated its stance, aligning with secular parties in the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition since 2019. Uddhav's 'inclusive Hindutva' focuses on Marathi pride and Maharashtra-specific Hindu traditions, such as Vitthal worship, rather than anti-minority polarisation. This localised Hindutva, however, is less adaptable outside Maharashtra. The 2019 split, when Eknath Shinde's faction aligned with the BJP, weakened Uddhav's Shiv Sena (UBT). The party now balances its Hindu voter base with its secular allies, diluting its Hindutva narrative. Electoral losses in 2024 and 2025 have forced it to rely more heavily on coalition partners, tempering its rhetoric. Secular allies like the Congress criticise Shiv Sena's Hindutva legacy, while the BJP and Shinde's faction accuse Uddhav of betraying Hindutva, highlighting the party's pragmatic oscillation between hardline and moderate stances. Rahul Gandhi Many feel that Rahul Gandhi, a Congress leader long associated with secularism, adopted soft Hindutva during the 2017 Gujarat assembly elections to counter the BJP's dominance. His temple visits, including to Somnath and Dwarkadhish, and public display of his janeu emphasised his Hindu identity, marking a departure from Congress's minority-focused secularism. This approach aimed to appeal to Gujarat's Hindu majority while also addressing economic concerns such as GST and demonetisation. Rahul balanced this with outreach to Dalits, tribals, and Muslims, maintaining inclusivity. His opposition to the RSS-BJP's divisive Hindutva remained firm, positioning Congress as a defender of constitutional secularism. This tactical pivot improved Congress's performance, yielding 77 seats in 2017 (up from 60 in 2012), though it still fell short of defeating the BJP. After 2017, Rahul reverted to more conventional secular rhetoric, focusing on economic and social justice during his Bharat Jodo Yatra, indicating that his soft Hindutva stance was context-specific. The strategies of Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi reflect the complex interplay between Hindutva and secularism in Indian politics. As the RSS reshapes the public sphere with its adaptive Hindutva, opposition leaders strategically adopt Hindu symbolism to counter the BJP's nationalist narrative. Mamata's culturally rooted approach secured her 2021 victory; Kejriwal's pragmatism aided AAP's 2020 success in Delhi; Uddhav's moderated Hindutva reflects coalition imperatives; and Rahul's tactical temple visits improved Congress's 2017 performance in Gujarat. These strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, yet they underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape. Suman Nath is a political anthropologist and teaches anthropology at Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Government College, Kolkata. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News Rahul Gandhi Points to 'Industrial-Scale Rigging', Alleges EC Role in Maharashtra Assembly Polls Are Election Malpractices Undermining India's Claims of Being 'the World's Biggest Democracy'? 'Narendra … Surrender': Rahul Gandhi in Swipe at Modi on Trump's Claims of Mediating Ceasefire Beyond the Ballot: Institutional Integrity in the Shadow of Executive Overreach Karnataka Government Plans to Conduct Caste Census All Over Again Mamata Accuses Modi of 'Political Holi' with Op Sindoor, Asks 'Why Not Give Sindoor to Your Mrs?' Four Times Narendra Modi Showed That Criticising the Union Government on National Security is Okay 'Prove it': Rahul Gandhi Doubles Down on Rigging Allegations After ECI's Unsigned Rebuttal 'Only Saying What Trump Has Said 11 Times', Says Rahul As He Repeats Claim of Modi's 'Surrender' About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.

‘I don't think Europeans had good sense of how Russians felt about relationship': S Jaishankar on New Delhi-Moscow ties
‘I don't think Europeans had good sense of how Russians felt about relationship': S Jaishankar on New Delhi-Moscow ties

Mint

timean hour ago

  • Mint

‘I don't think Europeans had good sense of how Russians felt about relationship': S Jaishankar on New Delhi-Moscow ties

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, speaking at the GMF Brussels Forum 2025, stressed Russia-India ties and said that Europe should have put itself in Russia's shoes if it truly knows what it wants. As reported by ANI, 'I know Russia is a big issue right now. My honest answer to you is I don't think Europeans had a good sense of how the Russians felt about the relationship or about the direction of events when people say we didn't see that coming, you normally don't see that. I'm not justifying anything,' he said. Jaishankar said that to be a good practitioner in international relations, one has to understand the behaviour and practices of other countries. "I'm just saying that in international relations if you have to be a good practitioner, if you have to do well even for your own country or for your own group of countries. It's smart to try to understand the thinking processes, the interests, the anxieties, the behavioural traits of other parties and I certainly didn't see that I would say in respect of Russia also," he said. Jaishankar pointed out that Europe's narrative of evolution after the formation of the Russian state is starkly different from the Russian version. "So in fact often the narrative you hear from Russia is so starkly different about let us say the evolution of Europe after 1992. Europe has one version or much of Europe has one version, Russia has a very different version," he said. Jaishankar further eflected on a remark he made about Europe in 2022, noting that over the past three years, Europe's approach has undergone a significant shift. Earlier in 2022, Jaishankar had said this when India was pressed to take a rougher stance against Russia in their conflict with Ukraine, 'Somewhere Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe's problems are the world's problems but the world's problems are not Europe's problems. That if it is you, it's yours, if it is me, it is ours. I see reflections of that.' In a multipolar world, you've got to see many more moves ahead. When asked by a journalist if Europe has evolved from it, Jaishankar jested, saying that the quote was 'thrown at him' frequently. 'You have no idea how many times that quotation has been thrown back at me!' he said. 'I do want to say this we're now in 2025 and I think there's been a big change where Europe is concerned in these three years which is a large part of being on your own or being part of a multipolar architecture one is to realize your own capabilities and limitations and compulsions and relationships. So you are more self-reliant in a way, but the other part of it is also to try to put yourself in the shoes of the other party. It's not easy to do,' he said. Key Takeaways Empathy and understanding are crucial in international relations. Different narratives exist between nations, which can affect diplomatic relations. A multipolar world requires strategic thinking and anticipation of other players' moves.

Congress's Revanth Reddy has praise for this old RSS hand: Who is ‘Ajatshatru' Bandaru Dattatreya
Congress's Revanth Reddy has praise for this old RSS hand: Who is ‘Ajatshatru' Bandaru Dattatreya

Indian Express

time2 hours ago

  • Indian Express

Congress's Revanth Reddy has praise for this old RSS hand: Who is ‘Ajatshatru' Bandaru Dattatreya

At an event held last Sunday in Hyderabad to launch Haryana Governor Bandaru Dattatreya's autobiography, 'Prajala kathe, naa atma katha' (The story of people is my life story), Telangana Chief Minister and Congress leader A Revanth Reddy called Dattatreya an 'Ajatashatru' (one who has no enemies), saying he has been a leader who commands bipartisan respect much like former Prime Minister late Atal Bihar Vajpayee did. Similar sentiments were expressed on the occasion by several dignitaries and leaders cutting across party lines, including ex-President Ram Nath Kovind, former Vice-President M Venkaiah Naidu and Andhra Pradesh CM and TDP supremo N Chandrababu Naidu, with Kovind describing Dattatreya as a 'rare leader' who has been a 'friend to all'. The 77-year-old Other Backward Class (OBC) leader, Dattatreya, who hails from Hyderabad, started his public life in 1965 when he joined the RSS, the BJP's ideological fountainhead. He was appointed as an RSS pracharak in 1968. He continued to hold various positions within the Sangh and its affiliated outfits till 1979, when he was Seva Bharati's pramukh, before joining the BJP. 'Dattatreya had been one of the BJP leaders since its inception. In 1980, he was posted as the BJP secretary in undivided Andhra Pradesh,' one of his close aides told The Indian Express. In Hyderabad, Dattatreya was known as a BJP leader who used to attend even the smallest of public functions. 'It was not easy to work as a BJP leader then and get the support of people who belonged to various parties back in the 1980s. He undertook this connect with people like a personal mission and succeeded in it to the surprise of many,' a Congress leader said. Dattatreya held different positions in the Andhra Pradesh BJP, including its general secretary from 1981 to 1989. In 1991, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from the Secunderabad constituency (in Telangana now). He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha four times from Secunderabad from 1991 to 2014, even though he also suffered losses a few times. 'It was not easy to win over such a long period in Secunderabad as a BJP candidate then. It showed the public trust he enjoyed over the years,' Dattatreya's aide said. The BJP first named Dattatreya as the Andhra Pradesh party unit president in 1996. He again served as the state party chief from 2006 to 2009. Besides, he also played various roles in the party at the central level – from being the party's national secretary to its national executive member and national vice president. He also served as the Union minister of state (MoS) in the governments led by both Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. In the Modi ministry 1.0, he was the MoS (independent charge) of labour and employment from November 2014 to September 2017. During this period he worked closely with various labour unions in the country for the welfare and uplift of workers in both organised and unorganised sectors, his aide said. In his autobiography, Dattatreya states, 'One of the significant strides made during my tenure (as MoS, labour) in 2015 was the substantial increase in minimum wages across both agricultural and non-agricultural sectors.' In 2014, he also served as the chairperson of the parliamentary committee on welfare of the backward classes. A political observer close to Dattatreya told The Indian Express that his elevation in the BJP ranks could be attributed to his proximity to the RSS. 'His rise in the BJP was completely driven by his deep-rooted connection to the RSS. Without the RSS' backing Dattatreya would not have made it to the Union MoS's position'. In his long political innings, Dattatreya has however also faced several controversies. He was booked as one of the prime accused in a case of abetment of suicide of University of Hyderabad (UoH)'s PhD scholar Rohith Vemula. Months before Vemula's death by suicide in January 2016, Dattatreya was accused of having written a letter to then Union HRD Minister Smriti Irani to seek action against some UoH students including Vemula for their alleged 'casteist, extremist and anti-national' activities. Vemula, who identified as a Dalit, had written a suicide note in which he said, 'My birth is my fatal accident', which found resonance across the country as a searing indictment of the country's caste reality. The Hyderabad police however filed a closure report in the case in 2024, claiming that Vemula was not a Dalit and that 'external pressures' did not lead to his suicide. It gave a clean chit to Dattatreya and other accused. Vemula's suicide sparked nationwide protests against the discrimination of Dalit students in educational institutions. Dattatreya had denied any wrongdoing in the matter. 'The BJP did not remove him from his MoS position during this entire episode,' noted a student leader from the UoH. In the Modi government 2.0, Dattatreya was sent to Himachal Pradesh as the Governor. In 2021, he was named the Haryana Governor, a post that he still holds.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store