
Budget 2025: The Growth Budget
Tēna koutou kātoa. Greetings everyone. Can I thank you Mark for that kind introduction and thank everyone who has taken the time to be here today. My special thanks go to our hosts Metco Engineering and the Hutt Valley Chamber of Commerce.
Let me also acknowledge my colleagues who join us today - your local MP and my Associate Minister of Finance the Hon Chris Bishop, together with the Minister of Education the Hon Erica Stanford.
This factory is a bit of a different setting than the conference centre or ballroom Ministers typically use for a pre-Budget speech. Why?
Because places like this are the engine room of the New Zealand economy.
Our Government knows that to speed up the economic recovery New Zealanders need we have to get this growth engine cranking.
I appreciate that economic growth can be a bit of an abstract concept: the work that happens on this factory floor is what it's all about.
The workers at Metco solve problems, coming up with new products and manufacturing processes for a range of industries. They design and create clever components for customers around the world – producing everything from window stays through to bus stops.
Metco has grown successfully by making investments in its own machinery and technology and by hiring and up-skilling great people who come up with innovative ideas and then make them happen.
The growth of businesses like MetCo, and indeed of all the businesses represented in this room today, has created good jobs and livelihoods for the people of the Hutt Valley community.
It's also allowed your businesses to make healthy tax contributions, which helps fund the Government's investment in health services, schools, vital infrastructure and other important public spending.
Thank you for that contribution, we don't take it for granted.
New Zealand needs more success stories like MetCo: Your growth is what's needed to deliver the kind of country we all want: with better living standards, better job opportunities and more financially secure families.
That's why our Government is going for growth.
Earlier this year we released a snapshot of the work we have underway to support this growth agenda. Going for Growth sets out 87 specific actions we are taking under five key themes:
Developing talent
Competitive business settings
Innovation, technology and science
Overseas investment and trade
Infrastructure for growth
I encourage you to check out the plan and the work underway. There's more to come.
For today though, I'm going to switch out of my Economic Growth hat and into my Minister of Finance hat and focus my remarks on this year's Budget.
The Context for Budget 2025
The Government's growth ambition has been front and centre as we've put the Budget together.
We know that global uncertainty is challenging for many of you and we're determined our Budget will play a role in giving you confidence for the future.
But let me be blunt: it's not the easiest time to be putting together a Budget.
New Zealand is still recovering from the economic damage inflicted during the Covid period and we're now facing the headwinds of further global instability.
There is a pressing need for greater investments in our health system, our education system, our defence force and other areas, and very little money to pay for those investments.
Our Government is also acutely conscious of the challenging economic circumstances many New Zealanders have experienced in the past few years as we've emerged from a period of very high inflation and rapidly rising interest rates.
The pain is still rippling through our communities. Kiwis feel it in the higher prices they still pay for almost everything, in higher levels of unemployment and in struggling local businesses. The cost of living remains a top-of-mind concern.
The good news is that, despite significant global challenges, a steady economic recovery is now taking place here, with export-led growth gathering strength, business confidence coming off its lows and the primary sector benefiting from higher commodity prices and mostly favourable growing conditions.
Having considered everything happening around the world, the Treasury is continuing to forecast accelerating growth in the New Zealand economy over the coming year, with falling unemployment forecast to follow in the second half of the year.
There's no magic wand to wish away the price rises baked in over recent years, but getting inflation and interest rates under control has been essential to achieving this economic recovery.
That's why I always take pause to celebrate that since our Government came to office inflation has returned to normal levels, resulting in a 200 basis point reduction in interest rates.
We must not take this progress for granted.
While some pretend we can fix all the post-Covid damage with yet more extravagant government spending, the economic truth is that they are wrong.
The only way to sustainably overcome cost of living pressures is through successive years of stable inflation, careful investment and sustained economic growth.
Our Government is committed to the responsible fiscal management and growth supporting policies needed to make that happen.
Debt, deficit and the path out
An important part of that effort is getting our own books in order. That's a big task.
The previous Government's spending decisions during and after Covid have left New Zealand with a sea of debt and red-ink in the government finances.
Government debt leapt up by almost $120 billion between 2019 and 2024, soaring from under $58 billion to $175 billion.
Those are big numbers, almost too big to comprehend, so let me explain it this way: That amounts to $22,000 more in debt for every New Zealander.
You may well ask: what do we have to show for all that debt?
To give you some further historical context, New Zealand's net core Crown debt, which once hovered between five and 25 per cent of GDP, rose to around 42 per cent last year. That's the highest level of government debt New Zealand has shouldered since the mid-1990s.
Servicing that debt is expensive.
The interest bill on government debt has soared from $3.6 billion in 2014 to $8.9 billion last year. That sum is more than annual core Crown expenses for the Police, Corrections, the Ministry of Justice, Customs and the Defence Force combined.
Our Government's goal is to put net core Crown debt on a downward trajectory towards 40 per cent of GDP and in the longer term keep it below that percentage.
Why? Because allowing debt to keep spiralling would threaten the livelihood of every New Zealander.
We must ensure our country is financially strong and resilient enough to effectively respond to whatever the future may throw: be it earthquakes, extreme climatic events, biosecurity incursions or whatever. We need the world to keep seeing us as a good country to invest in and lend to. Manageable debt levels are an essential foundation for a strong economy and for your financial future.
Achieving lower debt levels isn't easy: especially because the government books remain out of balance.
The post-Covid 'structural deficit' has left a big gap between what the country needs to fund to deliver on the spending commitments previous Budgets have made and what we need to earn to pay for that spending.
The Government is currently borrowing billions to bridge the gap.
Every Thursday afternoon, New Zealand Debt Management issues around $500 million of Government bonds. Some of this is to that roll over existing bonds that have expired, but large chunks of it are for new borrowing.
That level of borrowing obviously can't go on forever, or else our kids and grandkids will be left with unsustainable debt and considerable economic uncertainty.
Most of you can probably relate to this if you think about your own household budget: sure, sensible borrowing has its place, but no overdraft can be extended forever, and while you can keep giving the credit card a hammering, left unpaid, it does, eventually, get declined.
It's worth bearing this in mind next time somebody tries to suggest to you that the New Zealand Government needs to spend more on something.
The second question always needs to be: but how will we pay for it?
Our Government's strategy is to reduce the deficit over time, through a gradual programme of consolidation and careful spending choices.
We are committed to maintaining stability for New Zealanders, by continuing to invest in essential frontline services, infrastructure for growth and social supports like superannuation.
But delivering those things requires us to make careful choices about what we spend elsewhere.
That's why we've committed ourselves to ongoing reprioritisation and fiscal restraint. It isn't easy, but it is essential.
Believe me, I'd rather we were in clover, with money to spend on all the good ideas we hear. But the reality is that we are governing in tighter times.
Economic growth is essential to our fiscal repair job. It's simply the most effective way to raise government revenue, and to give us better choices for the future.
Some have suggested a different approach. They say New Zealand should seek to close the deficit by simply adding more and higher rates of taxes to Kiwis' wages, savings, wealth or capital.
We reject that approach.
Punishing Kiwis with higher taxes right now would undermine our recovery, strangle growth and threaten the economic stability New Zealand needs.
It would pull the rug out from all those businesses and industries who are already just hanging on. And it would send an exodus of Kiwi talent and wealth to Australia and beyond.
It would be exactly the wrong recipe for a country whose future prospects depend on investment and growth.
Changes in the economic and fiscal outlook since HYEFU
The Treasury's last set of economic forecasts was presented at the Half Year Update in December.
As you know, the global economic outlook has worsened considerably since that update.
Tarriff announcements by the US government, countervailing tariffs being imposed by China and an uncertain path for future tariffs and exemptions have created volatile global economic conditions with forecasters around the world agreeing that global growth will be lower this year and next year than they were previously predicting.
New Zealand can't escape the fallout.
Accordingly, Treasury has adjusted the forecasts it presented in December, reducing their assumptions of real GDP growth in New Zealand in 2025 and 2026.
New Zealand's economy will still be growing, but not as fast as forecast a few months ago.
That lower growth trajectory has an inevitable impact on the government books, reducing revenue and threatening our already difficult return to surplus and debt reduction.
At the same time, it's clear that the country's need for investment has not lessened: whether it be in the infrastructure we need for a more productive future, the funding needed to meet pressures in our health service and education system; or the need to rebuild our defence capability to meet the challenges of a less stable world.
On top of all of that, it's also the case that New Zealand's long-term productivity and savings challenges haven't gone away.
So there's a huge amount to juggle in this year's Budget.
How has the Government managed these challenges?
We started with that question that I suggested to you earlier: How do we pay for the things we need now without putting our future economic stability at risk?
Our approach has been threefold.
First, there has been a very high bar for new initiatives in the Budget. I can confirm today that there will be no lolly scramble in Budget 2025. New spending initiatives are strictly limited to the most important priorities: our focus has been on health, education, law and order, defence, and a small number of critical social investments. We have also found room for modest measures to support business growth and to provide some carefully targeted cost of living relief.
Second, beyond a small number of exceptions, government departments are not receiving additional funding in the Budget. We expect government agencies to adjust themselves to New Zealand's limited fiscal means. This will require restraint in public sector wage increases and an ongoing commitment to getting more impact out of every dollar spent.
Third, we have undertaken a significant savings drive.
That effort has involved Ministers identifying areas of previously committed spending that can no longer be justified in light of the challenging circumstances New Zealand now faces.
We've analysed spending decisions made by previous governments and re-evaluated them in the context of today's constraints. This has involved a line-by-line review of previous funding commitments, including money put aside in contingency.
This reprioritisation exercise has required careful consideration and some tough, but necessary, choices.
At every step, we've asked ourselves two questions:
Can these dollars be justified when we are borrowing to pay for them?
Can we be sure these dollars will do more good in this area than if invested in our most pressing priorities – like funding essential health services, better educating our kids, defending New Zealand's security or ensuring our future growth?
Taken together, the Government's savings drive has freed-up billions of dollars. Those savings will now be re-deployed to fund New Zealand's most pressing priorities.
Sticking to the fiscal strategy
In this year's Budget we've also had to carefully consider whether, in light of major global economic events, our fiscal strategy still remains achievable.
The strategy is focused on two key goals: putting net debt on a downward trajectory and returning the books to an OBEGALx surplus by 2028.
This strategy matters, it matters for getting the books back in order and that's about more than a set of numbers. It's about keeping interest rates lower and providing a solid platform for future growth. It's about ensuring New Zealand continues to be seen as a stable, reliable place to invest in and lend to. It's about making sure we don't leave our kids and grandkids with debts they just can't repay.
At our last update in December - well before President Trump's 'Liberation Day' - we were expecting a small surplus in 2029, and it remained our intention to returning it a year earlier if possible.
I can confirm that our Government remains committed to those goals.
Sticking to them has required some careful adjustments in this year's Budget.
The key change we have made is to the size of this year's 'operating allowance' - that is the amount of money put aside for new spending.
At the Half Year Update, the Treasury forecast that the 'allowance' in Budget 2025 would be $2.4 billion.
That was always a small envelope. However, as I outlined earlier, our approach has been to supplement our new spending by reprioritising funds from elsewhere.
I am confirming today that the Government has reduced the size of our Budget 2025 operating allowance to $1.3 billion.
This means we will be spending billions less over the forecast period than would have otherwise been the case. This will reduce the amount of extra borrowing our country needs to do over the next few years and it will keep us on track towards balanced books and debt reduction.
The fiscal forecasts will not be finalised until later this week, but according to the latest numbers I have seen, this smaller operating allowance means we will continue to forecast a surplus in 2029.
The reality of global economic events is that if we'd pushed on with a larger operating allowance then we would be staring down the barrel of even bigger deficits and debt.
Let me emphasise once again: our Budget will still deliver increased investment in the things that really matter to Kiwis: like health, education, law and order, the defence force, business growth and targeted cost of living relief. Those things are important to you and they're important to our Government.
Our careful reprioritisation approach means we can continue to make progress on today's priorities while ensuring we are better positioned to face the challenges tomorrow will bring.
Yes, those challenges loom large.
But let's get real: global instability may not be a passing trend. New Zealand can't expect to keep borrowing as much as we are now. The world doesn't owe us any favours.
This is not the time to kick the can down the road.
We must act now to secure our financial future.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Budget 2025 takes place against a difficult global backdrop.
We can't wish that away. What we can do is focus on the things in our control.
Our Government is doing just that, by providing a predictable, steady approach to economic and fiscal management.
In an unstable world we are staying the course with responsible policies that provide stability, support investment and make New Zealand an attractive place for the world to trade and do business with.
These sensible policy approaches are the base from which we will deliver better choices and investments in the years ahead.
With those basics in place, there is much for Kiwi businesses to feel optimistic about.
New Zealand has enormous economic growth potential.
We are a safe, secure country with a growing constellation of free trade agreements and a global reputation as a good place to do business.
We are blessed with abundant natural resources – everything from ocean to freshwater, fertile land and temperate weather to abundant minerals.
In a world worried about food security, we feed more than 40 million people with levels of efficiency and sustainability that are the envy of many.
We have a long history of stable democracy, strong institutions and rule of law.
We've delivered scientific breakthroughs and global success stories and we will continue to do so. As I stand here today, we are world leaders in sending rocket to space - rockets that include components made right here in this factory.
Fundamentally, I'm optimistic about New Zealand's economic future because I have faith in you: the New Zealanders who get out of bed each morning and go and make things happen.
I'm optimistic because I see how hard Kiwis work. I see how much effort Kiwi parents go to for their kids. I see how much employers and workers care about their communities. We are a smart, innovative, resilient people.
The next decade can be our decade. That requires good and steady government and careful spending choices. This year's Budget will not be a lolly scramble. What this Budget will be is a responsible Budget that secures New Zealand's future.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


NZ Herald
3 hours ago
- NZ Herald
Consumer debt dips to $14.5b but 470,000 Kiwis are behind on payments
'What we've noticed is that consumer arrears across all sectors, retail, energy, banking, credit card, buy now pay later, it's about 470,000 New Zealanders who are currently in arrears,' McLaughlin said. 'But over the last 12 months, that's stabilised at around about that level. We really saw a spike going back a couple of years ago where every year defaults and insolvencies climbed.' Consumer arrears vary across the country according to the latest Centrix Credit Indicator Report, with arrears higher in the North Island compared to the South Island. Tasman District had the lowest level of consumers in arrears at 8.2%, while Wairoa District had the highest at 18.12%. McLaughlin said although past weather events like Cyclone Gabrielle and flooding are factors, he thinks the uplift in the primary industries and the closure of manufacturing businesses are central to the change. A high milk price payout to dairy farmers has bolstered the rural economy. 'The first payments tend to go back to the lenders, back to the banks, because they're carrying a fair bit of debt over the period. 'The second lot went to the IRD and I think it's only now that the rural sector are going to have some disposable income, which hopefully will trickle down into the local economy.' McLaughlin said the South Island was benefiting from lower unemployment, high agricultural gains and lower housing costs, resulting in smaller mortgages. Financial hardship cases increased year-on-year for July, up 7.1%. Almost half (45%) relate to cases of mortgage payment difficulties, with the remainder coming from credit card debt (29%) and personal loan repayments (18%). The highest rate of financial hardship is among those aged between 35 and 49. McLaughlin said households are balancing their budgets a lot better than in the past, and are not spending money on discretionary items as much as they used to. He said buy-now-pay-later purchases and personal loan arrears were not increasing at levels like they were 18 months ago, with buy-now-pay-later arrears comprising about 8%-9% of borrowing. While the situation is good for households, McLaughlin said it places pressure on small to medium-sized businesses that rely on discretionary spending. '[Households are] saying 'if we can't afford it, we're not going to do it now, we're going to be conservative'. That's had a flow-on impact to those small businesses. 'Small businesses rely on their household mortgages to finance their business. They've had increasing wages and other costs going up, they've had interest rates going up and they've had their sales going down because people aren't spending the money.' McLaughlin thinks the current economic climate is affecting more people than during the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2008, and said although the GFC affected people who were invested in the sharemarket, the fallout from Covid was across the population. He said the older demographic had been less impacted by what has happened because they are on better salaries, have greater job security and generally have lower mortgages. McLaughlin said the biggest challenge for borrowers at the moment is non-discretionary debt, and the flexibility being able to borrow money provides can help in times of need. Nation of Debt series Monday: NZ nears trillion-dollar debt burden Tuesday: Government debt: Are higher taxes inevitable? Thursday: Student debt: How big? How bad? Tom Raynel is a multimedia business journalist for the Herald, covering small business, retail and tourism.


NZ Herald
3 hours ago
- NZ Herald
‘You don't want to go there': Ron Mark's message to Kiwis wanting to take up arms against Russia in Ukraine
Other phone calls come from closer to home: New Zealanders – including civilians and current or former New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) soldiers - considering joining the International Legion. Mark knows the reality of the risks: he's visited the front line during three trips to Ukraine. He said his regular response to those keen to fight is 'think again'. Former Minister of Defence Ron Mark has had many harrowing phone calls with Kiwis serving with the Ukraine International Legion, and those considering it. Photo / Neil Reid 'I keep saying to people, 'You don't want to go there... I don't care how many tours of Afghanistan you did... you didn't do this',' he told the New Zealand Herald. One soldier, who Mark couldn't dissuade from travelling to Ukraine, talked of how the NZDF had provided him with a skill and he wanted to 'offer that skill to Ukraine'. Mark estimates there are dozens of New Zealanders who - like the soldier he encouraged not to head to Ukraine - have signed up with the International Legion. Some have now been there fighting for three years. Mark told the Herald it's 'astonishing' some of them are still alive. Mark said they fell into three categories; those with some military experience, others with extensive experience - and others with no military experience at all. 'Some of them have gone through some pretty harrowing, horrible s***,' he said. Ron Mark has visited Ukraine three times since it was invaded by Russia. New Zealand Herald composite photograph Several legionnaires have returned to New Zealand to recover from injuries, then returned to Ukraine to continue to fight, he said. At least four New Zealanders are known to have died in the European nation since Russia invaded in February 2022: three soldiers - Dominic Abelen, Kane Te Tai and Shan-Le Kearns - and one aid worker, Andrew Bagshaw. Mark said 'considerably more' Kiwis have been maimed on the battlefields. Shan-le Kearns, 26, is the fourth New Zealander and most recent known to have died in Ukraine. Photo / Supplied Members of the International Legion are paid at the same rate as soldiers in the Ukraine Army; $840 a month behind the frontline, $2000 a month for service in a 'dangerous zone' and $7500 a month for a full combat deployment. Compensation is given to those who suffer life-changing injuries; the amount depending on the severity. Former New Zealand Army soldiers Dominic Abelen (left) and Kane Te Tai (right) both lost their lives fighting in Ukraine. Photo / Supplied When proof of death is confirmed – requiring the return of a body or body part for DNA testing - families of soldiers killed in action can receive a compensation payment of $615,000. 'Let me assure you, they are not doing it for the money,' Mark said. Mark said his experience of the Ukrainian military is that they mourn the loss of Kiwis on the frontlines as if they were locals. Russian leader Vladimir Putin shakes hands with US president Donald Trump during the latest round of talks. Photo / Getty Images 'They serve loyally and faithfully,' Mark said of the Kiwi contingent. 'I felt like a failure; it hurt' Mark was outraged when Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 - but it was a month later when his interest was piqued. He fielded a phone call from Ukraine. On the other end was Owen Pomana; a former New Zealand Navy diver deported from Australia as a 501 convict. He had abandoned drug abuse and crime for a life of faith and become a church pastor. New Zealand pastor Owen Pomana, right, headed to Ukraine shortly after Russia invaded. Photo / Supplied Pomana had travelled to Ukraine to take up a humanitarian role with Great Commission Society (GCS) an evangelical organisation that provides aid to victims of conflict and disaster around the world. He wanted Mark to help lobby the New Zealand Government for body armour and helmets to be given to unarmed aid workers going into conflict zones. Owen Pomana - in front of a shelled building in Ukraine - rang Ron Mark for help with aid missions. Photo / Supplied That attempt failed, and so too did an effort to get the Government to pay for charter buses to speed up mass evacuations from Mariupol into Romania. Pomana and his colleagues had to face the heartbreaking reality of leaving behind many who wanted to escape the bloody battle. 'I felt like a failure. And it hurt,' Mark said. 'I couldn't understand how it could be so hard, why people wouldn't lean in.' Ron Mark says he felt like he had failed when he couldn't get transport for Owen Pomana. Photo / Neil Reid The frustration unleashed a desire within Mark to do more. His first trip to Ukraine was just three months after the Russian invasion. His second was in July 2022. All three of his trips to Ukraine have been self-funded during annual leave from his role as mayor of Carterton. He juggled fact-finding with helping out on aid delivery for the Rapid Relief Team – created by the brethren church in Australia – and GCS. It was work that took him to some of the conflict's frontlines. Ukraine's defensive lines in Donetsk have held against recent pressure from Russian forces. Photo / Getty Images His travels with aid convoys took him to Bucha – scene of the mass murder of civilians and prisoners of war, and past bombed-out locations near Kharkiv, including large 'shell holes' and scenes of 'devastation and utter demolition of villages'. On one occasion his military escort was a soldier who wasted no time in laying out the risks - telling Mark 'the Russians are in line of sight. They have line of sight on us at this location' he said. A layer of light steel had been added to the interior of the doors of the vans – carrying thousands of meals and several aid workers – in a bid to slow shrapnel or bullets that may pass through them. 'It wouldn't stop bugger all, but it made you feel good,' Mark said. A civilian vehicle in the city of Irpin peppered with hundreds of bullet holes. Photo / Olena Kalashnikova They were living in homes with roofs that were either partially collapsed or had shell-fire damage. On a shelf at the Carterton house Mark shares with his partner, Chris Tracey, are pieces of twisted, jagged shrapnel the former MP recovered from his trips to the frontlines. 'They're just to remind me of the craziness and the bravery and the dedication of some impressive people whose names will never be known to anyone' he said. The tail section of a Russian rocket in the Donbas region. Photo / supplied 'Four Māori walk into a bar in Kyiv' Humour can cut through the darkest of circumstances. During Mark's last trip to Ukraine, in July, he met three fellow māori New Zealanders for a beer in Kyiv: Pomana, a surgeon who has been in Ukraine for three years, and a NZDF-trained sniper. The surgeon is doing life-saving work, Mark said. 'Kiwis tend to side with the underdog. I always believe that Kiwis will always line up with what they believe to be right and against what they believe to be wrong.' Kiwi aid worker Andrew Bagshaw tragically lost his life trying to help others. Photo / Sebastian Polarchski Mark said their commitment reminds him of those who volunteered to fight in WWI and WWII. '[Colonising] might be a popular word right now. But I saw the physical signs of the Russians trying to eliminate Ukrainian language. I saw the road signs that had all been painted over and stencilled over the top with the Russian wording, the Russian language. 'Stories about them kidnapping children, taking them away to concentration camps where they're going to be re-educated in the Russian way. 'Because of that, it doesn't surprise me how many Māori are over there. It's probably an equal number of Pākehā to Māori.' Ukrainian territorial defence soldiers from the Donetsk Oblast fire D-20 artillery in the direction of Toretsk, Photo / Getty Images Amass drone strike - at least 550 drones loaded with explosives - hit areas of Kyiv near Mark's Airbnb while he was on a FaceTime call with his partner, Chris Tracey, back in Carterton. 'Chris said, 'Why do they attack at night'. I said, 'Terror babe, it's just terror'. There were times when he moved his mattress from the street-front room and slept in the hallway where he felt safer from drones and missiles. A civilian apartment block damaged in a mass drone attack in Kyiv. Photo / Getty Images On other occasions he took shelter in the Kyiv underground train system, surrounded by families. 'Imagine 10 o'clock at night, you've already got the kids in bed, and you don't have your husband because he's on the frontline, and you may have elderly families staying with you,' he said. 'Imagine bundling all that up - bedding, sleeping bags, bundling up bedrolls and children and the cat and the dog and in one case, a little girl wanted to take a goldfish, herding them out the door. When the air raid alarms go off, you've got to move. 'You look around and you see families setting up their own little family space.' When Mark travels to Ukraine his partner Chris Tracey faces a nervous wait. Tracey said she was '1000% proud' of her partner and the pair have discussed what should happen back home if he dies. The profile of former Defence Minister Ron Mark added to a website that lists those deemed by "patriots" of Russia to be enemies of the state. Photo / Supplied 'He's passionate about the guys and the girls that are over there, who are working hard and putting their lives at risk every day. Tracey said there was no point in her being scared and worried. 'There's no part of me that would ever say to him, 'I don't want you to go, please don't go'.' 'I wouldn't want him going over there feeling like he was not taking good care of me, or that he was leaving me in that kind of mindset. Chris Tracey says she is incredibly proud of her partner, former Minister of Defence Ron Mark for what he is trying to do for Ukraine. Photo / Supplied She said Mark always gave her the credentials of those he would spend time with in Ukraine, planned well and was not one to take unnecessary risks. Mark is also well aware the fact he is a former Minister of Defence visiting Ukraine – and supporting their cause – had the potential to cause embarrassment to Russia. Last week the Herald revealed he had been targeted by a website created by Russian 'patriots' that publishes profiles on enemies of the country and warns 'Know that your hostile actions will not go unpunished'. Ron Mark and his partner Chris Tracey have had honest conversations about the risk in Ukraine, and what should happen if something happens to the former Minister of Defence while in the war-torn country. Photo / Supplied 'I'm not blind to the dangers I face the moment I indicate I am going to Ukraine,' Mark said. 'I think Chris knows me well enough to know that once I have a mind to do something, it's a question of how I'm going to do it - not if.' Neil Reid is a Napier-based senior reporter who covers general news, features and sport. He joined the Herald in 2014 and has 33 years of newsroom experience. Sign up to The Daily H, a free newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.


NZ Herald
3 hours ago
- NZ Herald
Gaza and the Government: How to ‘grow a spine'
Such bravery. The Costs of War project says more journalists have been killed in Gaza than in both world wars, the Vietnam War, the wars in Yugoslavia and the US war in Afghanistan combined. A funeral last week in Gaza City for journalists killed in an Israeli strike. Photo / Saher Alghorra / New York Times Australia, Britain, France, Canada and more than 140 other countries have now recognised Palestine as a state, or announced they will do so. New Zealand has not. I don't believe this reluctance stems from some softly, softly diplomatic strategy. On the contrary, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has said his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu has 'lost the plot'. So why has the Government not joined with most of the rest of the world in recognising Palestine? Perhaps the strongest opposition to doing this has been voiced by Act MP Simon Court. Is that party calling the shots? More questions. Is Israel committing genocide? Is it using famine deliberately as a weapon of war? Even if you don't want to go that far, the horror is real. While precision strikes are widely used against Hamas targets, the larger reality is that whole cities and towns are being annihilated. Beyond the campaign to eliminate Hamas terrorists, this is a war on a massive scale on a civilian population. To me, this makes the Government's inability to line up in defence of the people of Gaza a catastrophic moral failure. I assume New Zealanders who've been protesting weekly, across the country, would agree. And, as Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick implied when she talked of needing to find coalition MPs 'with a spine', it is a failure of our own democracy. I want to come back to Gaza, but first I want to look at what the impasse means for the authority of the Government and the future of MMP. Isn't it time for Parliament to grow a spine? Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick speaking in Parliament during a debate on Palestine. Photo / Screengrab via Parliament TV New Zealand's mixed-member proportional representation system has been evolving for 29 years. For much of the time, the major parties have formed a succession of minority governments, with confidence-and-supply agreements from minor parties. In 2005, for example, Labour's Helen Clark needed the support of the Greens and NZ First, so had to create policies that were acceptable to both. In 2008, John Key's National Party won 58 seats, just short of a majority. All he needed to govern was support from either Act or the Māori Party, both of which had five seats. Cleverly, he didn't choose one over the other but governed by toggling between them. He didn't have to agree to anything Act said, if the Māori Party supported him, and vice versa. This arrangement powerfully reinforced his political appeal as a centrist. Labour's Dame Jacinda Ardern, following him, found herself in a formal coalition with NZ First and the Greens. Policy agreements hammered out in coalition talks had to be honoured. Largely, though, it was the minor parties that had to swallow each other's dead rats. Labour was less compromised. In 2023, this changed again. Luxon arrived in Government with a pair of indestructible stone tablets hanging round his neck. Each contained a long list and ticking off those lists – the policy goals of Act and NZ First – has often seemed to be his main job. The consequences have been ludicrous and damaging. The divisiveness of David Seymour's Treaty Principles Bill, Shane Jones' cheerleading for the fossil-fuel industry and NZ First's culture-war barrage have undermined us socially, environmentally and economically. But they have also undermined Luxon. Critics accuse him of inept and weak leadership, and he may find that impossible to shake off. Prime Minister Christoper Luxon, in the foreign policy pool with Winston Peters and Judith Collins. Illustration / Rod Emmerson The situation is now so absurd, the Prime Minister seems unable to wrest the lead away from Seymour on Gaza, even though the issue has nothing to do with their coalition agreement. On this as on so much else, he seems traumatised, a proverbially trapped possum with the twin headlights of his minor partners' truck close to running him over. Is there a lesson to learn? The obvious one is that shopping-list coalition agreements are a blight on good government. Is there a solution? Yes, there is. It's called Parliament. From time to time, the major parties have agreed to agree and have passed good laws as a result. This famously happened in 2007, when Labour and National supported Green Party MP Sue Bradford's Crimes (Substituted Section 59) Amendment Bill, more commonly known as the anti-smacking law. Because of Parliament, decency prevailed. Isn't that the model for progress now? Parliament could agree to recognise Palestine, thus lining up with the pre-eminent diplomatic effort to end the war in Gaza. What else could National propose, with support from Labour, to escape the tail-wags-dog mess it's mired in now? Legislative respect for te ao Māori, which National used to understand quite deeply, would be a good place to start. Meanwhile, people die every day in Gaza. And, incredibly, a recent poll found that almost 80% of Jewish Israelis believe Israel is making an effort to avoid causing suffering in Gaza. But the tide may be turning in America. A recent Gallup poll found support for Israel's war has fallen from 42% a year ago to 32% now. That's the lowest it's been since the war began, after Hamas' horrifying attack on October 7, 2023, which claimed about 1200 lives. And 52% of Americans view Netanyahu unfavourably. That's his worst rating since 1997, the year after he first came to power. Luxon isn't going to wait until it's just him and maybe Donald Trump holding out, is he? Eighty years ago, over consecutive nights in February 1945, Allied bombers dropped 4000 tonnes of explosives and incendiary devices on Dresden, Germany. The bombs and the raging infernos they ignited killed 25,000 people, nearly all of them civilians. The next month, the same thing was done to Tokyo, this time killing 100,000 civilians. The atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August escalated the terror twice more. A protest in Gisborne against Israel's war on Gaza earlier this month, one of many that have been across the country. Photo / Gisborne Herald After the war, the world adopted the Geneva Conventions, which, it was hoped, would prevent such horrors happening again. War crimes became a thing. Democracy bombed those cities. No one was ever charged with war crimes, although we know now those bombings were wrong. Their purpose was to end the war, but in all four cities they were wildly out of scale with that purpose. Just as it is out of scale in Gaza. In the same way, we know the war on the people of Gaza is wrong too. We can't make peace happen, but we can support those who might be able to.