Combating acid violence
At surface level, such robust measures signal a welcome shift. The legislation stands for free medical treatment, rehabilitation centres, legal aid, victim-witness protection and financial support for dependents. All of these measures are immensely important in creating a foundation of justice that focuses on offering victims support and ensuring that criminals are not able to get away scot-free. Yet, overdue as they are, the efficacy of these measures now solely relies on how effectively and equitably they will be implemented.
The law's requirement for an acid and burn crime monitoring board with at least 33 per cent female representation is encouraging. But additionally, the quota must avoid tokenism, instead bringing real power and oversight to the larger conversation surrounding such crimes. The announced measures must also be backed by substantial resources, otherwise they stand at the risk of faltering.
Historically, Pakistan has had prior legislations like the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act of 2011 which laid the groundwork for stringent penalties. The newer bill's success now hinges largely on political will, bureaucratic competence and funding. While the bill itself is a step in the right direction, its power will be measured once authorities successfully channel it into an accessible mechanism that victims can approach without hesitation. Only then can the country turn hope into lasting, protective change.
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Business Recorder
18 hours ago
- Business Recorder
Bajaur pays the price again
EDITORIAL: Days after Minister of State for Interior Talal Chaudhary had declared on the floor of the National Assembly that no military operation would be launched in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), the authorities have done exactly that, proceeding with one in the province's Bajaur district. The operation, it must be noted, had initially begun last month but was paused amid hopes that talks between the Bajaur Amn Jirga and militant commanders may bear fruit, making armed action in the area avoidable. But with negotiations collapsing, August 11 saw security forces launch what is being termed a 'targeted' operation, striking militant hideouts in several tehsils of the district. Parts of Bajaur will now face a three-month curfew, signalling that the security situation may remain volatile for an extended period. As with operations past, this latest armed action will also likely displace the local population from their homes and upend their lives, with the authorities having already asked residents to move into relief camps. Such experiences have long fuelled opposition to military operations, which have repeatedly brought mass displacements, destruction of infrastructure and property, followed by entirely lacklustre rehabilitation efforts. Nevertheless, with the terror threat emanating from KP's erstwhile tribal districts mounting by the day – militants targeting civilians and security personnel alike, and terrorising the people of Bajaur – doing nothing was never going to solve matters either. The question does arise, however: why were such elements allowed to re-entrench themselves in parts of KP over a prolonged period, facing little meaningful resistance from the law enforcement and intelligence apparatus, while civilian authorities – both federal and provincial – were also caught napping? The hard-won gains of past operations, which had driven these groups out at great cost have been recklessly squandered, and now the hapless people of Bajaur will once again pay the price of this lax attitude to the terror menace. Their opposition to armed action must not be misconstrued as sympathy for militants; it is the natural response of communities that have spent decades as victims in a war that never seems to end. This latest operation must also serve as a sobering reminder that the fight against terror cannot be waged in silos. The threat is national, and so must be the resolve to confront it, with an unambiguous consensus on denying terror groups and extremist ideologies any physical or ideological space within society. History shows that while armed actions against these forces may become unavoidable after a certain point, they cannot be the sole answer. Without a united political front and sustained societal efforts to tackle the roots of radicalisation, Pakistan will remain trapped in a cycle of perpetual instability and violence. In this context, the prime minister's Independence Day call for national unity and invitation to all political parties to join the 'Misaq-i-Istehkam-i-Pakistan' – yet another bid to forge national solidarity in the face of domestic and external threats – may sound promising on paper. But too often such initiatives prove to be heavy on rhetoric, but devoid of follow-through. The government has repeatedly shown that it has little appetite for forging genuine unity, as demonstrated by its clampdown on political dissent, muzzling of the media and hounding of opponents. When political rivals are routinely convicted under anti-terror clauses, it cheapens the gravity of laws meant to protect the public from genuine threats, while also deepening societal fault lines, breeding resentment and diverting resources away from the task of tackling forces that pose existential dangers to the country. This erodes the collective resolve needed to confront terrorism in all its forms. Our rulers must realise that calls for national unity ring hollow when they prioritise their own political survival over the hard work required to build a united front against threats that endanger us all. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
New bill targets online obscenity
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Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
Combating acid violence
The passage of the Acid and Fire Attack Prevention Bill, 2024 by the National Assembly stands as a critical milestone in Pakistan's social justice journey. The legislation introduces severe penalties for perpetrators, including the death penalty or up to seven years' imprisonment for attackers, alongside accountability for police failures. It also mandates case resolution within a strict 60-day window which, if seamlessly implemented, could significantly impact the current climate of gender-based violence in a positive manner. At surface level, such robust measures signal a welcome shift. The legislation stands for free medical treatment, rehabilitation centres, legal aid, victim-witness protection and financial support for dependents. All of these measures are immensely important in creating a foundation of justice that focuses on offering victims support and ensuring that criminals are not able to get away scot-free. Yet, overdue as they are, the efficacy of these measures now solely relies on how effectively and equitably they will be implemented. The law's requirement for an acid and burn crime monitoring board with at least 33 per cent female representation is encouraging. But additionally, the quota must avoid tokenism, instead bringing real power and oversight to the larger conversation surrounding such crimes. The announced measures must also be backed by substantial resources, otherwise they stand at the risk of faltering. Historically, Pakistan has had prior legislations like the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act of 2011 which laid the groundwork for stringent penalties. The newer bill's success now hinges largely on political will, bureaucratic competence and funding. While the bill itself is a step in the right direction, its power will be measured once authorities successfully channel it into an accessible mechanism that victims can approach without hesitation. Only then can the country turn hope into lasting, protective change.
