Will Brahmins Form Bedrock Of Support For Prashant Kishor In Bihar?

News18

5 days ago

Last Updated:
To be fair to Kishor, despite being born a Brahmin, he has not explicitly positioned Jan Suraaj as a Brahmin-centric party.
As poll fever gradually grips Bihar, political parties are gearing up for the campaign. The main rivals, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Janata Dal (United) (JDU), and some minor partners, and the INDI Alliance, primarily made up of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Congress with a few minor players, are in the process of preparing their strategies. Meanwhile, the newcomer Jan Suraaj Party is already pushing ahead with full vigour.
Prashant Kishor, a notable poll manager turned politician and Jan Suraaj Party's founder is often compared to Arvind Kejriwal of Delhi politics, even though he dislikes the comparison. This label has stuck due to his intense criticism of 'failed political leadership,' a tactic Kejriwal used effectively to gain power.
Although our constitution aims to create a casteless society, Indian politics remains dominated by caste. A progressive leader with broad societal appeal still needs a caste or community vote base to survive in India's political landscape. A prime example is former Delhi Chief Minister and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) founder Arvind Kejriwal.
Kejriwal initially rose to prominence on an anti-corruption movement, but he managed to stay in power for almost 12 years with the support of the Bania caste, to which he belongs and which comprises six percent of Delhi's voters. While the Banias voted for the BJP in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, they shifted their support to Kejriwal in the 2015 and 2020 Delhi assembly polls.
The Aam Aadmi Party could be removed from power in the 2025 assembly elections only if the Banias shift their support to the BJP. Prashant Kishor, who personally handled AAP's campaign and management during the 2020 polls and remotely controlled the 2025 polls through his company, understands this dynamic well.
As Jan Suraaj's leader in Bihar, Kishor emphasises moving beyond caste-based politics, focusing instead on governance, education, and employment. However, in a state where caste dynamics are deeply rooted, his upper-caste background, which he may not publicly acknowledge, limits his appeal among backward and marginalised communities. Rival parties emphasise his caste to consolidate their support bases, further complicating this perception.
To be fair to Kishor, despite being born a Brahmin, he has not explicitly positioned Jan Suraaj as a Brahmin-centric party. Instead, he aims to build a broad-based coalition that transcends traditional caste alignments. This approach includes fielding candidates from diverse backgrounds, including Muslims, to appeal to a wider electorate.
However, given the caste dynamics in Bihar's politics, Kishor the strategist knows he needs a caste vote base to launch his party and gain broader support. This initial support in Bihar could best come from his own community in the post-Mandal era.
One of the after-effects of Mandal politics in Bihar has been the marginalisation of Brahmins. Once a dominant community in Bihar politics, Brahmins, who provided five chief ministers to the state before the Mandal era, have lost prominence in all political parties. Given that Prashant Kishor is a Brahmin, the community might agree to be his party's vote foundation or continue supporting the BJP-JD (U) at the state level and candidates from their community from other parties at the local level.
The Brahmin community in Bihar is at a crossroads. While their affiliation with parties like the BJP and JD(U) has provided a semblance of political inclusion, the promise of greater representation and development offered by Jan Suraaj presents a compelling alternative. They understand they have little space in the opposition alliance, where a recent statement by an RJD MLA indicated that Brahmins in politics today are on the back foot.
Brahmins in Bihar constitute about 4 percent of the population, with three major sub-castes: Maithil, Kanyakubj-Saryupari, and Shakaldweepi. Maithils are predominantly in the north of Bihar, Kanyakubj are mainly in south Bihar and the Bhojpuri-speaking districts of north Bihar bordering Uttar Pradesh, while Shakaldweepi are fewer in number but spread across most districts with a major concentration in the Magadh region. There may be some smaller sub-castes as well.
In a largely 'lawless' state like Bihar, the Brahmins' support for the BJP and JD(U) has provided them with a sense of security, albeit with limited representation. Shifting allegiance to a nascent party like Jan Suraaj would require assurance of tangible benefits and representation.
Kishor's focus on development and governance could resonate with Brahmins seeking a return to political relevance. His emphasis on systemic issues rather than caste-based mobilisation offers an alternative narrative that might attract educated and urban Brahmins disillusioned with traditional politics.
However, elections in Bihar are won more in its villages than in its towns and cities. According to the caste census, 89 percent of Bihar's population is rural. Only time will tell whether the Brahmin community will become the bedrock of Jan Suraaj's support or continue their allegiance to established political entities.
The writer is author and president, Centre for Reforms, Development & Justice. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
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