A call to shift perspective: Africa's opportunity to pivot in a changing geopolitical landscape
The world is entering a new geopolitical era – one defined by retreating superpowers, restructured trade dynamics, and accelerated technological rivalries. Recently, we have seen major shifts for Africa, such as the withdrawal of USAID support and changes in tariff regimes, fueling trade wars globally. The IMF has declared that the global economic system that has operated for the past 80 years is being reset. These decisions are not isolated events; they form part of a larger trend toward de-globalisation, which is reshaping global dynamics. As Africa, we cannot ignore the calls for us to re-evaluate our roles in the world economy. These shifts reflect a broader trend toward de-globalisation that is redrawing the map of global influence and interdependence. These shifts represent not only disruption, but also a rare and timely opportunity for our continent to reassess and redefine its place in the world – a phoenix moment if navigated appropriately.
The immediate results are already visible. Cutbacks in USAID have had humanitarian consequences for nations, ranging from impact on community kitchens in Sudan, and HIV/AIDS programmes in South Africa to name a few. Beyond the short-term crisis, however, lies an important question:
how can Africa leverage this geopolitical reordering to shift from dependency to agency?
Part of the answer, as with any artful negotiation or bargaining, lies in Africa awakening to a few key fundamentals and strengths that uniquely position it as a relevant force on the global stage.
Let's start with the obvious one: our immense resource wealth. The continent holds roughly 30% of the world's critical minerals, including the second-largest manganese reserves. More relevant to current technological shifts and critical to the AI revolution, 70% of global cobalt reserves are in Africa. While rare earth elements essential for electric vehicles and semiconductors are scattered across the continent, demand for critical minerals and rare earth metals is expected to rise fourfold by 2040.
While we have a unique opportunity, the world needs critical minerals and rare earth metals more than ever before to transition to clean energy technologies, manufacture microchips for semiconductors used in military applications, and build industrial infrastructure (critical minerals are essential for the hardware driving artificial intelligence). However, we may also be in danger of missing out on the leverage and development benefits these resources offer if we fail to fully capitalise on the global shifts to leapfrog development. The difference lies in how we choose to act. Without a strategic and unified approach, we risk repeating past patterns – extracting value without retaining it, and exporting raw resources without capturing downstream benefits. The green and digital revolutions will either reinforce old dependencies or provide the continent with an opportunity to leapfrog. As these revolutions accelerate, global demand for these inputs is soaring, placing Africa once again at the centre and offering African nations unprecedented bargaining power in global supply chains.
Our continent's digital rise adds another layer to our geopolitical relevance. The expansion of data centres from Nairobi to Lagos has the potential to position Africa as a vital node in the global digital infrastructure, particularly in AI development. Rwanda's Kigali Innovation City and Kenya's Konza Technopolis are early signals of this shift, aiming to position their countries as hubs for tech innovation, AI research, and smart infrastructure. Data sovereignty, energy-efficient cloud computing, and ethical AI training practices are becoming central issues. Africa has a rare opportunity to shape these conversations by becoming a secure and strategic location for data processing, model training, and digital innovation. Investments in digital infrastructure could enable Africa to not only bypass legacy systems but also become indispensable in the global tech ecosystem. However, mineral wealth and infrastructure alone are not enough; Africa must pair them with strategic labour market advantages.
This brings us to another strength: our people. In contrast to ageing populations in the West and parts of Asia, Africa has the world's youngest population, with over 60% under the age of 25. This youth bulge has the potential to become a demographic dividend, but only if it is harnessed correctly. Africa's youth can drive innovation, supply labour, and fuel consumption. However, this potential is not guaranteed. It requires intentional investment in education, vocational training, and entrepreneurship to turn the youth bulge into a global competitive advantage.
Africa's pivot must be framed within the broader context of intensifying global competition, particularly between the United States, China, and the European Union. Trade wars, technology embargoes, and competing development models have disrupted traditional economic alliances. These rivalries present both risks and rewards for African nations. On the one hand, they could destabilise existing trade flows; on the other, they create an opening to renegotiate Africa's terms of engagement with global powers.
Both China and the United States are seeking new allies and markets. In this context – and in keeping with the theme of negotiation – Africa must move beyond the role of passive partner to become a savvy negotiator in this evolving landscape. This means negotiating not as recipients of aid or investment, but as equal partners with assets the world needs. It also requires shifting from a fragmented continent of 55 countries to a cohesive bloc capable of driving its own agenda.
This is precisely where the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) becomes mission-critical. AfCFTA is the most ambitious trade integration effort on the continent in decades, aiming to connect over 1.4 billion people in a single market. It is expected to boost intra-African trade by over 52% through the elimination of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. Leaders at the World Economic Forum have also called for AfCFTA to be integrated into Africa's green and digital transformation strategies, positioning it as a framework for not only trade but also innovation, energy, and resilience. Today, regional integration is more important than ever, providing scale, bargaining power, and a path to self-reliance.
If implemented effectively, AfCFTA could unlock the industrialisation Africa has long sought, create value chains that stay on the continent, and enhance resilience against external shocks. It has the potential to bridge Africa's untapped potential with its prosperity, becoming the most powerful platform to shift from historical disadvantage to global relevance.
In this context, the upcoming G20 Summit, hosted by South Africa in 2025, marks a critical turning point. It offers Africa the opportunity to present a unified voice, advocate for reforms in multilateral institutions, and advance a narrative defined by strength, opportunity, and partnership, not by deficit or need, showcasing Africa's growing relevance in the global economy. President Cyril Ramaphosa has indicated that inclusive growth and industrialisation will headline the agenda. However, the real impact will depend on whether African leaders can align behind a clear, actionable strategy with measurable outcomes.
While the shifting world order may seem destabilising at first glance, for Africa, it represents a moment of unprecedented opportunity. With the right investments in human capital, infrastructure, and negotiation capabilities, the continent can move from the margins of global decision-making to the centre.
The time to act is now. The tools are available; what is needed is a bold vision, clarity of purpose, and coordinated action. This is Africa's moment to pivot.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Herald
an hour ago
- The Herald
'Defence budget cuts crippling SANDF': Motshekga
'South African soldiers are very strong soldiers who are trained and committed to peacekeeping and peace support operations in the region and outside the region. That's why we sacrifice ourselves for that.' . Sangweni said no equipment would be left behind in the mission area. 'However, there will be equipment that is damaged in the mission area. It always happens. And they are moved, whether it is destroyed in the mission area or taken away.' . SAMIDRC was sent to assist Kinshasa's fight against rebel groups in DRC's war-ravaged eastern borderlands in December 2023. The 16-member Sadc said in mid-March it had terminated the mandate and would begin a phased withdrawal of its force from the DRC. According to the SANDF, their withdrawal was informed by the directive issued by the Sadc extraordinary summit of heads of state and government meeting held on March 13. The bodies of 14 SANDF soldiers killed when M23 rebels captured the key city of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, were returned to South Africa in February. Earlier this year, scores of SANDF soldiers were wounded in clashes between the M23 rebel forces and DRC government troops. About 200 soldiers returned in February from the DRC. TimesLIVE
The Herald
an hour ago
- The Herald
Metro FM to commemorate Youth Day with financial freedom initiative
As South Africa marks Youth Day on Monday, Metro FM will be turning the spotlight on a different kind of liberation — financial freedom. In a bold move to empower the country's young minds, the station is rolling out a daylong programming line-up dedicated to educating, inspiring, and equipping the youth with the tools they need to take charge of their economic future. While Youth Day honours the brave students who rose against apartheid in pursuit of justice and quality education on June 16 1976, today's generation faces a new kind of battle: the fight for financial independence in a complex, fast-paced world. And Metro FM is here for it, the station said. 'As we commemorate Youth Day, we're reminded that the struggle for freedom and equality continues in many forms,' says Metro FM business manager Kina Nhlengethwa. 'At Metro FM we're committed to sparking a conversation about financial liberation and empowering our young listeners to achieve financial independence. Join us on June 16 as we dedicate our programming to financial freedom and explore practical solutions to overcome debt and build a brighter future.' Listeners can expect a full-day takeover of the airwaves with engaging discussions, expert advice and powerful personal stories aimed at shifting the mindset around money. 'Whether it's breaking down the basics of budgeting, navigating student loans, starting a side hustle or understanding credit, Metro FM is making finance real, relatable, and — dare we say — entertaining.' Celebrity guests, financial gurus, and young entrepreneurs will join the conversation across shows, sharing hard-earned lessons and success stories to inspire the next wave of financially savvy youth. 'It's not just talk; it's transformation,' the station says. Beyond the airwaves, the campaign will continue across Metro FM's digital platforms, sparking real-time conversations and offering additional resources for listeners looking to dig deeper into their financial journeys. 'The goal? To turn listeners into learners — and ultimately, into leaders of their own financial destinies. 'So, whether you're a student, a recent graduate, or just trying to level up your money game, tune in this Youth Day for a powerful blend of empowerment, education, and entertainment. Because freedom isn't just a political ideal — it's also about owning your financial future.'
Mail & Guardian
14 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
We need to rebuild the idea of the public
The struggle against white rule in South Africa was always grounded in a shared conviction — across organisations, ideologies and forms of struggle — that the country to come would not only end white supremacy, but would also be fundamentally just. The declarations of the Freedom Charter are seldom recalled today but this confidence is powerfully expressed in a still famous remark by Steve Biko: 'In time, we shall be in a position to bestow on South Africa the greatest possible gift — a more human face.' For many years after apartheid it was widely thought that, although we faced many serious problems, time was on the side of progress and justice. Jacob Zuma's cynical, violent, lying kleptocracy put an end to that and we have not been able to recover it. Impoverishment and inequality are worsening. More than 40% of people are without work — with over 60% of young people affected. It has been years since we last had any meaningful economic growth. Rural land reform has not been a success. The struggle for urban land is frequently met with criminalisation and violence. More than a fifth of our people do not have enough food. Almost 30% of children under five suffer from stunted growth. More than 11 000 children die of malnutrition each year. Public institutions — from schools to hospitals — and essential infrastructure like the rail network are in a dire state. Many municipalities have collapsed, and we endure one of the highest murder rates in the world. Extortion is endemic. People are desperate and in KwaZulu-Natal there is enthusiastic public support for the now regular executions by the police. While the capture of the state for private gain is no longer centrally directed, it continues — and in many cases worsens — through shifting, decentralised networks, some of which are well described as mafias. There is a systemic intersection of politics and criminality, and it is this, not ideology, that drives most political assassinations. Many of our laws and policies are an expression, even if modest, of an aspiration for a more just society. But while laws and policies matter, the decisive factor in whether we are able to move forward will be political will. If the right forms of political will are not developed, organised and mobilised — if democracy does not make significant progress in resolving our crisis — there is a significant risk that the crisis will further corrode or even explode democracy. As the legitimacy of the current order declines, there is, as is happening across much of the world, an active attempt to scapegoat migrants for the crisis. This process is accelerated by the now-endemic fake news on social media. This turn to a politics of cruelty cannot offer anything but the pleasures of public sadism as compensation for social suffering. It is also a politics of deflection that pulls attention away from the real issues we confront. Xenophobia builds a toxic sense of the nation as determined by exclusion rather than a positive aspiration. This is a problem wherever xenophobia is incited and exploited, but in South Africa — where the nation was forged in struggle against oppression — it means xenophobia is often entangled with some of the language and sentiment of the idea of national liberation, an idea with deep legitimacy. The same is often true of the now systemic and deeply embedded forms of predation on the state. Because they enable accumulation by previously oppressed and excluded people, they are often experienced and presented as a continuation of the national liberation struggle. This means that competing ideas of how we understand that struggle are themselves a key site of struggle. There is a reason Frantz Fanon — and many great thinkers in the movement of African emancipation, such as Amílcar Cabral and Ngugi wa Thiong'o among others — insisted on the need to confront predatory national elites as well as colonialism and imperialism. Fanon's observation that 'the sole motto of the bourgeoisie is 'Replace the foreigner'' and that this is taken up by 'the 'small people' of the nation' as xenophobia speaks directly to the limits of some forms of elite politics today. But along with these attempts to turn the idea of national liberation into what Fanon calls chauvinism, we also face an increasingly strident, and often white-led, demand to put an end to the idea of national liberation. This often includes a demand for the standard set of neoliberal measures — privatisation, austerity, commodification, undoing labour rights, doing away with racial redress and all the rest. The primary desire is to more fully subordinate society to the market. Building a viable political project against these contesting elites requires more than just developing a popular project. Gayton McKenzie, Zuma, Herman Mashaba and others are trying to build populist forms of often hard-right authoritarianism. Challenging the capture of the idea of national liberation by predatory elites and the attempts to consign national liberation — and all ideas of collective emancipation — to history by rival elites requires, among other things, a strong and inclusive commitment to the idea of the public and the public good. To recover a sense of shared future and rebuild trust in democratic life, we need to place the idea of the public at the centre of our political imagination. While bureaucratic and technical systems are important, the fundamental task is to build a moral and political vision of shared life, of dignity, solidarity and social rights. State services and institutions with a social function, such as health and education, can only be nurtured and defended if they are embedded in a shared sense of purpose. To recover a robust idea of the public — and thereby public services and institutions — we need to understand it as both virtue and entitlement. As entitlement, it means that everyone has the right to housing, clean water, good schools, healthcare, transport and public space. As virtue, the idea of the public demands a culture of stewardship, care and responsibility. We need to aspire to what the American activist and intellectual Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls 'life-affirming institutions', an infrastructure that prioritises care, enables flourishing and anchors people in the collective affirmation of dignity. Ultimately this requires a sense of politics as the creation of a shared world, a world where public services and institutions are not crumbling, corrupt or humiliating, but sources of shared belonging and dignity. Public money has to be understood as public wealth. Theft from public wealth has to be understood as theft from the people. Public institutions have to be understood as critical parts of the infrastructure of freedom. These kinds of ideals are never fully achieved, but in many societies political projects have been built that have enabled gains towards affirming an idea of the public and translating it into institutions that support its realisation. This includes countries in the Global South that have built impressive healthcare systems, public transport, education and more. In the early 2000s the Treatment Action Campaign made hugely important progress in building an idea of public healthcare, and then realising huge gains in the health system. Over the past 20 years Abahlali baseMjondolo, a very different kind of organisation, has made significant gains in challenging exclusionary forms of urbanism. None of the contenders for influence in the intra-elite battles over the future of our society has any meaningful interest in building a democratic and strong sense of the public. If we are to make progress towards this, we will require a lot more of the patient labour of organising and building progressive ideas and power from below. Richard Pithouse is distinguished research fellow at the Global Centre for Advanced Studies, an international research scholar at the University of Connecticut and professor at large at the University of the Western Cape.
