logo
Pakistani Pilgrims Face Hardship In Mecca: Broken Suitcases, Inedible Food And Neglect

Pakistani Pilgrims Face Hardship In Mecca: Broken Suitcases, Inedible Food And Neglect

India.com29-05-2025
In yet another major embarrassment for Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, two prominent Members of National Assembly (MNA) on Thursday shared harrowing experiences of pilgrims from the country who are currently undertaking the annual Haj pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia.
Making statements in the National Assembly, Shagufta Jumani and Shahida Rehmani from the Pakistan People's Party exposed the claims being made by Sharif government of ensuring a smooth and seamless Haj pilgrimage for all Pakistanis.
"The food being served to the Haj pilgrims from our country is inedible and same throughout the day. Which companies have been allotted these contracts and on whose recommendations? The people at the helm of affairs have completely destroyed the system. I sincerely appeal to you in the name of God to have mercy on the Haj pilgrims," said Jumani.
Rehmani too highlighted the gross official negligence, severely criticising the government machinery.
"Seven people from my family are undertaking the pilgrimage this time. They are facing major health issues due to the food that is being served. The suitcases given to them broke at the airport, even before they began their journey to Mecca. Things are in such bad shape and there is nobody to take care of Pakistanis in Mecca. They have been put in faraway locations and there is nobody to look after them, " said Rehmani.
Last month, the Haj organisers had called on PM Sharif to ensure improved coordination with the Saudi authorities this time.
Saudi Arabia allocated Pakistan 179,210 Haj slots this year which was evenly divided between government and private schemes. However, only 14,000 private applications were successful, leaving thousands unable to complete their spiritual journey.
A few weeks ago, Saudi Arabia's Interior Ministry had also issued a strong warning to Islamabad, stating that strict penalties will be imposed on Pakistani citizens found violating Haj permit regulations this year.
The warning came at a time when Pakistan formally commenced its Haj flight operations with the first batch of 442 pilgrims departing from Islamabad to Madina under the Makkah Route Initiative.
The Saudi ministry stated that penalties up to SR20,000 will be applicable till June 10 on any Pakistani performing or attempting to perform Haj without a valid permit. The penalty includes all types of visa holders, including those entering and staying in Mecca.
Moreover, a fine of up to SR100,000 will be imposed on anyone who applies for a visit visa on behalf of individuals attempting to perform Haj without a permit, or anyone who facilitates their entry or stay in the restricted areas, adding that the fines may multiply based on the number of individuals involved.
It also made it clear to Pakistan that a penalty of SR100,000 will be imposed on those individuals who transport, shelter, or assist visit visa holders in accessing the holy sites, which includes concealment of their presence or providing accommodation in any form in hotels, shelters, private homes, or Haj-designated housing, warning that any and all illegal infiltrators, including residents and overstayers, who are caught attempting to perform Haj without a permit will be instantly arrested, deported and banned from entering in Saudi Arabia for at least 10 years.
Saudi Arabia's strict warning to Pakistan is a result of an alarming number of beggars, illegal visitors, and citizens travelling for Haj without permits, every year.
The Kingdom has deported at least 4,700 Pakistani beggars in the past three years, urging Islamabad to put the names and passports of these deported individuals on its no-flier list.
"Their ever-increasing population is tarnishing the country's image abroad," admitted Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

FASTag ANNUAL PASS SCHEME: UP registers strong response as 30K pvt vehicles activate facility
FASTag ANNUAL PASS SCHEME: UP registers strong response as 30K pvt vehicles activate facility

Hindustan Times

time5 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

FASTag ANNUAL PASS SCHEME: UP registers strong response as 30K pvt vehicles activate facility

Uttar Pradesh has registered a strong response to the newly launched FASTag Annual Pass, with around 30,000 private vehicles activating the facility and more than 21,000 toll crossings recorded in just two days till August 16. Officials clarified that activations represent vehicles purchasing the pass, while transactions reflect actual toll use, meaning many new pass holders were yet to make highway trips. (For Representation) According to official data from the National Highway Authority of India, UP West (Lucknow Zone) accounted for 18,136 transactions, while UP East (Varanasi Zone) reported 3,106 transactions, reflecting the state's heavy highway traffic and the early appeal of the scheme. Officials clarified that activations represent vehicles purchasing the pass, while transactions reflect actual toll use, meaning many new pass holders were yet to make highway trips. 'Nationally, as well as in UP, the new scheme has evoked a very encouraging response from the road users with around 30,000 annual Fast Tag activation in UP alone in the first two days till August 16,' NHAI member (administration) and senior IAS officer Vishal Chauhan told HT over the phone. 'Nationally, more than 1.4 lakh users subscribed on the launch day itself, and by the afternoon of August 17, the figure had crossed 4 lakh activations, resulting in over 4.25 lakh toll-free crossings across India,' he revealed. Rolled out nationwide from August 15 following amendments to the National Highways Fee Rules, the Annual Pass can be activated on an existing FASTag through the Rajmargyatra mobile app at a one-time cost of ₹3,000. 'Once activated, it offers either one year of toll-free travel or up to 200 crossings, whichever comes earlier, across designated National Highway (NH) and Expressway plazas,' Chauhan said. According to another NHAI official, the strong showing in Uttar Pradesh in the first two days underlines the importance of its extensive highway network. 'The Annual Pass is giving frequent travellers cost certainty and making digital tolling more attractive,' he said. The list of plazas where the pass is valid has been published on the NHAI website. The annual pass is valid only on national highway and national expressway fee plazas. With momentum building both in UP and nationally, the officials expect the Annual Pass to become a game-changer for private vehicle commuters, making road travel more affordable and seamless. 'The Annual Pass Scheme for non-commercial vehicles marks a major step in making highway usage more affordable and convenient for road users,' Chauhan said. 'Average cost per trip comes down to ₹15 from ₹100' Rollout of the National Highways Authority of India's annual FASTag system for private cars with effect from August 15 midnight reduces the average cost per trip significantly. 'The average toll cost per trip with this system comes down to ₹15 from the usual ₹100, making it far more economical for frequent travelers,' said Colonel Sharad Singh, NHAI project director. 'It's a commuter-friendly step designed to blend affordability with efficiency.' As many as 1173 annual FASTag passes were activated on the first day and 2235 on the second day in the Lucknow region. Once activated, the annual FASTag sends real-time SMS notifications to users every time a toll is crossed, informing them of the remaining trip balance. Vehicle owners are required to affix the FASTag sticker on the windshield; failure to do so could result in the tag being blacklisted. Only private four-wheelers are eligible for this facility. Vehicles using chassis numbers to obtain FASTags must ensure that their registration number is updated in the system to qualify for the annual plan. Monthly passes to co-exist Those living within 20 km of a toll plaza who currently use monthly passes will continue to enjoy the same benefits. Toll journeys made during the validity of a monthly pass will not count against the 200-trip annual limit. However, if the monthly pass balance runs out, deductions will be made from the annual tag.

‘Legitimisation Cell': The Israeli Military Unit Tasked With Linking Gaza Journalists to Hamas
‘Legitimisation Cell': The Israeli Military Unit Tasked With Linking Gaza Journalists to Hamas

The Wire

time35 minutes ago

  • The Wire

‘Legitimisation Cell': The Israeli Military Unit Tasked With Linking Gaza Journalists to Hamas

The Israeli military has operated a special unit called the 'Legitimisation Cell', tasked with gathering intelligence from Gaza that can bolster Israel's image in the international media, according to three intelligence sources who spoke to 972 Magazine and Local Call and confirmed the unit's existence. Established after October 7, the unit sought information on Hamas's use of schools and hospitals for military purposes, and on failed rocket launches by armed Palestinian groups that harmed civilians in the enclave. It has also been assigned to identify Gaza-based journalists it could portray as undercover Hamas operatives, in an effort to blunt growing global outrage over Israel's killing of reporters — the latest of whom was Al Jazeera journalist Anas Al-Sharif, killed in an Israeli airstrike this past week. According to the sources, the Legitimisation Cell's motivation was not security, but public relations. Driven by anger that Gaza-based reporters were 'smearing [Israel's] name in front of the world', its members were eager to find a journalist they could link to Hamas and mark as a target, one source said. The source described a recurring pattern in the unit's work: whenever criticism of Israel in the media intensified on a particular issue, the Legitimisation Cell was told to find intelligence that could be declassified and employed publicly to counter the narrative. 'If the global media is talking about Israel killing innocent journalists, then immediately there's a push to find one journalist who might not be so innocent — as if that somehow makes killing the other 20 acceptable,' the intelligence source said. Often, it was Israel's political echelon that dictated to the army which intelligence areas the unit should focus on, another source added. Information gathered by the Legitimisation Cell was also passed regularly to the Americans through direct channels. Intelligence officers said they were told their work was vital to allowing Israel to prolong the war. 'The team regularly collected intelligence that could be used for hasbara – say, a stockpile of [Hamas] weapons [found] in a school – anything that could bolster Israel's international legitimacy to keep fighting,' another source explained. 'The idea was to [allow the military to] operate without pressure, so countries like America wouldn't stop supplying weapons.' An Israeli Government Press Office (GPO) tour shows weapons and ammunition from the field used by Hamas on October 7, at the Julis Military Base on November 10, 2023. Photo: Mishel Amzaleg/GPO via 972 Magazine. The unit also sought evidence linking Gaza's police to the October 7 attack, in order to justify targeting them and dismantling Hamas's civilian security force, one source familiar with the Legitimisation Cell's work said. Two of the intelligence sources recounted that, in at least one case since the war began, the Legitimisation Cell misrepresented intelligence in a way that allowed for the false portrayal of a journalist as a member of Hamas's military wing. 'They were eager to label him as a target, as a terrorist – to say it's okay to attack him,' one source recalled. 'They said: during the day he's a journalist, at night he's a platoon commander. Everyone was excited. But there was a chain of errors and corner-cutting. 'In the end, they realised he really was a journalist,' the source continued, and the journalist wasn't targeted. A similar pattern of manipulation is evident in the intelligence presented on Al-Sharif. According to the documents released by the army, which have not been independently verified, he was recruited to Hamas in 2013 and remained active until he was injured in 2017 – meaning that, even if the documents were accurate, they suggest he played no role in the current war. The same applies to the case of journalist Ismail Al-Ghoul, who was killed in a July 2024 Israeli airstrike along with his cameraman in Gaza City. A month later, the army claimed he was a 'military wing operative and Nukhba terrorist,' citing a 2021 document allegedly retrieved from a 'Hamas computer'. Yet that document stated he received his military rank in 2007 – when he was just ten years old, and seven years before he was supposedly recruited to Hamas. 'Find as much material as possible for hasbara ' One of the Legitimisation Cell's first high-profile efforts came on October 17, 2023, after the deadly explosion at Al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza City. While international media, citing Gaza's Ministry of Health, reported that an Israeli strike had killed 500 Palestinians, Israeli officials said the blast was caused by a misfired Islamic Jihad rocket and that the death toll was far lower. The day after the explosion, the army released a recording that the Legitimisation Cell had located in intelligence intercepts, presented as a phone call between two Hamas operatives blaming the incident on a Islamic Jihad misfire. Many global outlets subsequently considered the claim likely, including some who conducted their own investigations, and the release dealt a severe blow to the credibility of Gaza's Health Ministry – hailed within the Israeli army as a victory for the cell. A Palestinian human rights activist told 972 and Local Call in December 2023 that he was stunned to hear his own voice in the recording, which he said was simply a benign conversation with another Palestinian friend. He insisted he had never been a Hamas member. A source who worked with the Legitimisation Cell said that publishing classified material like a phone call was deeply controversial. 'It's very much not in Unit 8200's DNA to expose our capabilities for something as vague as public opinion,' he explained. Still, the three intelligence sources said the army treated the media as an extension of the battlefield, allowing it to declassify sensitive intelligence for public release. Even intelligence personnel outside the Legitimisation Cell were told to flag any material that might aid Israel in the information war. 'There was this phrase, 'That's good for legitimacy,'' one source recalled. 'The goal was simply to find as much material as possible to serve hasbara efforts.' After the publication of this article, official security sources confirmed to 972 and Local Call that various 'research teams' had been established inside Israeli military intelligence over the past two years with the aim of 'exposing Hamas's lies'. They said that the goal was to 'discredit' journalists reporting on the war on broadcast networks 'in allegedly a reliable and precise way', but who they claimed are actually part of Hamas. According to the sources, these research teams do not play a role in the selection of individual targets to be attacked. 'I never once hesitated to convey the truth' On August 10, the Israeli army killed six journalists in a strike it openly admitted was aimed at Al Jazeera reporter Al-Sharif. Two months earlier, in July, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had warned it feared for Al-Sharif's life, saying he was 'targeted by an Israeli military smear campaign, which he believes is a precursor to his assassination'. After Al-Sharif posted a viral video in July of himself in tears while covering Gaza's hunger crisis, the Israeli army's Arabic-language spokesperson, Avichay Adraee, published three different videos attacking him, accusing him of 'propaganda' and of participating in 'Hamas's false starvation campaign'. Al-Sharif identified a link between Israel's media war and the military one. 'Adraee's campaign is not only a media threat or an image destruction; it is a real-life threat,' he told CPJ. Less than a month later, he was killed, with the army presenting what they said was declassified intelligence of his membership in Hamas to justify the strike. Israeli soldiers work on their tanks in a staging area on the border with the Gaza Strip in southern Israel on August 13, 2025. Photo: AP/PTI. The military had already claimed in October 2024 that six Al Jazeera journalists, including Al-Sharif, were military operatives, an accusation he vehemently denied. He became the second from that list to be targeted, after reporter Hossam Shabat. Since the October accusation, his whereabouts were well known, leading many observers to question whether killing Al-Sharif – who regularly reported from Gaza City – was part of Israel's plan to enforce a media blackout ahead of its military preparations to capture the city. In response to questions from 972 Magazine about Al-Sharif's killing, the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) spokesperson reiterated that 'the IDF attacked a terrorist from the Hamas terrorist organisation who was operating under the guise of a journalist from the Al Jazeera network in the northern Gaza Strip,' and claimed that the army 'does not intentionally harm uninvolved individuals and journalists in particular, all in accordance with international law.' Prior to the strike, the spokesperson added, 'steps were taken to reduce the chance of harming civilians, including the use of precision weapons, aerial observations and additional intelligence information.' At just 28, Al-Sharif had become one of Gaza's most recognised journalists. He is among 186 reporters and media workers killed in the Strip since October 7, according to CPJ – the deadliest period for journalists since the group began collecting data in 1992. Other organisations have put the death toll as high as 270. 'If these words reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice,' Al-Sharif wrote in his final message, posthumously published on his social media accounts. 'I have lived through pain in all its details, tasted suffering and loss many times, yet I never once hesitated to convey the truth as it is, without distortion or falsification.' Yuval Abraham is a journalist and filmmaker based in Jerusalem. A version of this article, republished here with permission from 972 Magazine, was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here. 972 Magazine is an independent, online, nonprofit magazine run by a group of Palestinian and Israeli journalists.

In Namibia, India shows a new way to engage Africa
In Namibia, India shows a new way to engage Africa

The Hindu

time4 hours ago

  • The Hindu

In Namibia, India shows a new way to engage Africa

In his address to Namibia's National Assembly in July this year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi quoted a Namibian poet, invoked the symbolism of the Welwitschia mirabilis plant (the national plant) and the Springbok, and sprinkled his remarks with phrases in Oshiwambo, earning laughter and applause. The gesture suggested a deliberate effort to engage with culturally meaningful terms, reflecting a more grounded approach to partnership-building. It is a sharp contrast to western engagement, which continues to be shaped by conditional aid, travel bans, and episodic withdrawals such as the recent USAID cutback, and is increasingly tied to migration deterrence, with assistance hinging on controlling outward migrant flows. The steps being pursued India is pursuing a quieter, adaptive approach, favouring alignment over instruction and forming issue-based coalitions. Underlying this appears to be a deliberate three-step logic: evoking shared historical solidarities, engaging in present-day pragmatic cooperation, and investing in long-term, future-oriented ties. This offers insights into what more thoughtful, durable partnerships with African states might look like. The first step anchors diplomacy in a shared anti-colonial heritage, drawing on historical memory not as nostalgia, but as a legitimate force of solidarity. There are gentle but meaningful reminders: that New Delhi hosted the South West Africa People's Organization's first-ever diplomatic office during Namibia's liberation struggle; that Lieutenant General Diwan Prem Chand, an Indian officer, commanded the United Nations peacekeeping forces during Namibia's delicate transition to independence. These references are not incidental. They create a sense of long-haul engagement, contrasting with the episodic presence of many other powers. Second is to highlight the depth and the breadth of current cooperation. New Delhi's bilateral trade with Windhoek is $800 million, modest but growing, and supported by a $12 billion development partnership across Africa. More significant are India's targeted investments in capacity-building, including the India-Namibia Centre of Excellence in IT at the Namibia University of Science and Technology, and the 'India Wing' at the University of Namibia's Ongwediva campus, funded by a $12 million grant. These efforts leverage India's strengths in IT and respond to Namibia's youthful population and digital readiness. Third, and closely linked, India is laying out a road map for the future by pivoting toward knowledge-based cooperation. Namibia's recent adoption of India's Unified Payments Interface (UPI), the first country in Africa to implement this, signals a quiet revolution in tech diplomacy. If this succeeds, it will offer a model for transferring not just digital tools but also regulatory frameworks, institutional design, and user-centric tech architectures that India has stress-tested at scale. Advantage Namibia Crucial to this approach is the choice of partner. Namibia's political stability, rich mineral resources and growing technological base offer a strong foundation for India's engagement, grounded in shared histories and aligned futures. President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah's call to reform global economic and financial systems for fairness and resilience echoes India's own vision for inclusive, equitable governance. More than a bilateral partner, Namibia is a key collaborator in the Global South's broader effort to reshape international rules in line with their collective aspirations, agency, and demand for a more just world order. While India and Namibia share a compelling vision for partnership, consistent follow-through remains a challenge. India's developmental ambitions are often criticised for uneven implementation, and its engagement with Africa has seen long lapses, evident in the recent visit to Namibia by an Indian head of government, the first in nearly three decades. Though symbolically important, the visit's outcomes were modest: two memoranda of understanding on entrepreneurship and health, and Namibia's accession to the Global Biofuels Alliance and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure. These are valuable steps but fall short of the scale the moment, and the bilateral potential, clearly calls for. Notably absent was any major agreement on Namibia's critical mineral reserves. As a leading uranium producer, Namibia is a natural partner for countries such as India seeking resilient low-carbon supply chains. The visit offered a clear opportunity to outline a strategic framework, including resource access, local workforce development, or investment in value addition. Though the issue was acknowledged, discussions ultimately failed to produce concrete outcomes. Regardless, India's approach, while not without its gaps, stands out not just for what it offers but also how it engages. India's quiet recalibration emphasises trust built through inclusive dialogue, acknowledging histories, and letting African priorities shape the agenda. Move beyond symbolism The upcoming India-Africa Forum Summit, anticipated in the near term, could serve as a vital platform to formalise and solidify these diplomatic efforts through institutional cooperation. It presents an opportunity for India to build on recent momentum and demonstrate that its commitment to partnership and mutual respect is backed by enduring political resolve. Delivering on this vision, however, will require more than symbolism. It will entail confronting structural and operational shortcomings at home and ensuring that India's strategic ambitions are matched by sustained investment and institutional coherence. Ultimately, India's credibility as a Global South partner will rest not only on what it commits to but also on how consistently and collaboratively it follows through. Veda Vaidyanathan is Fellow, Foreign Policy and Security Studies at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress. The views expressed are personal

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store