CM flags off Tiranga cyclothon for girls from Vidhan Sabha
Addressing the participants, Gupta said the true glory of the national flag will be realised when girls achieve complete freedom and that her government is committed to securing a better future for them.
The cyclothon, aimed at empowering women, was flagged off by CM Gupta along with Delhi Education Minister Ashish Sood.
Meanwhile, the Union Culture Ministry's 'Har Ghar Tiranga Bike Rally', was flagged off by Union Parlia-mentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, Union Culture Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, Union Minister of State for Defence Sanjay Seth, CM Gupta, and several Members of Parliament.
At the bike rally, CM Gupta said, 'Have you seen before 2014, that a Prime Minister is leading people with Tiranga in his hands? Leaders left the Tiranga before Independence. Today, people who keep the copy of the Constitution in their pockets don't have Tiranga in their hands.'
'They are the same people who used to claim that they got the country independent but today the same people don't believe in the country's integrity,' she said.
The CM added that 'our lives depend on this Tiranga and the three colours represent the prosperity of the country'.
'Every Indian aspires that our Tiranga remains high and immortal. The sky echoes with the chants of 'Bharat Mata ki Jai' as this Tiranga Yatra is being taken out,' she said.
Everyone, right from the MPs to our brave soldiers, is expressing their patriotism. Even 78 years after Independence, our love for our country is continuously increasing with each passing year, the CM said. 'I thank PM Narendra Modi for taking this national festival to every household.'
Sood urged citizens not to treat Independence Day as a long weekend.
'We should contribute in keeping our homes and locality clean,' he said.
India will celebrate its 79th Independence Day on August 15.
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The Hindu
14 minutes ago
- The Hindu
U.S. tariff impact not to last more than six months, says CEA Anantha Nageswaran
Chief Economic Advisor V. Anantha Nageswaran on Wednesday (August 13, 2025) said U.S. tariffs-related challenges will dissipate in the next one or two quarters, and urged the private sector to do more as the country navigates through other longer-term challenges. He attributed the growth slowdown in FY25, which saw a deceleration to 6.5 per cent from FY24's 9.2 per cent, to tight credit conditions and liquidity issues. The right agriculture policies can add 25 per cent to real GDP growth, Mr. Nageswaran added. On the U.S. tariffs, the CEA said it is the second and third order impacts, which will flow once sectors like gems and jewellery, shrimps and textiles have taken the first order brunt, that will be "more difficult" to tackle. The government is aware of the situation and conversations with the impacted sectors have already begun, Mr. Nageswaran said, adding that one will hear from the policymakers in the coming days and weeks but people have to be patient. With speculation on whether U.S. officials will visit India for trade talks later this month as reported, Mr. Nageswaran said the upcoming meet in Alaska between U.S. President Donald Trump and his Russian counterpart Vladmir Putin is likely to influence the outcome. Declining to spell out any details on the trade negotiations between India and the U.S., the academic-turned-advisor said things are very fluid at the world stage right now with relations swinging from cooperation to stalemate, and spelled out his expectation of the impact of 50 per cent US tariff on Indian exports. "I do believe that the current situation will ease out in a quarter or two. I don't think that from a long-term picture, the India impact will be that significant but in the short run, there will be some impact," he said. He said no one can guess the exact reasons why President Donald Trump chose to slap the high tariffs on India, wondering if it's the fallout of Operation Sindoor or something even more strategic. However, the CEA said the focus on tariff-related issues should not blind us to more "important challenges", including the impact of artificial intelligence, reliance on one country for critical minerals, and their processing and strengthening of supply chains. Mr. Nageswaran exhorted the private sector to do more "as we navigate these longer-term challenges, promising that public policy will play the facilitator's role". "Private sector also has a lot of thinking to do, given the massive strategic challenges we face in the coming years... the private sector also has to think about the long-term rather than the next quarter, which is what might have led to many of the challenges we are currently beginning to face," he said in the comments aimed at India Inc. He, however, did not elaborate on the subject any further. Stating that the government has allocated money towards the research purposes, he said it is now for the private sector to up their investments in the area. The Indian youth is staring at both physical and health health issues arising from excess screen use, consumption of ultra processed food, etc, which is leading to anxieties and even suicidal thoughts among people, the CEA said, seeking the private sector's help to tackle the challenge. He welcomed the capital expenditure put in by the private sector in FY26 and data to be released in February next year will attest to the same. The consumption story is "quite healthy", the CEA said, pointing to the data on UPI usage. Specifically on urban consumption, he rued that there is no proper data source to capture services consumption, and added that drawing from listed companies' earnings may also not be the right measure as consumption is moving to the unlisted space. The overall resource mobilisation in the economy is not showing any slackening, the CEA said, asking all to look at banks credit growth, commercial paper issuances, and IPO fundraising together. On China On China, Mr. Nageswaran said "we also need to understand the security dimension and look at the $100 billion trade deficit beyond just the number". As a solution, there is a need to diversify the sources of imports and the CEA stressed that the private sector will have a role to play there. Without naming China, he said only one country supplies critical minerals, which are essential for semiconductors, artificial intelligence tech, and added that the supply is "critically unstable". "We cannot go from crude oil import dependence to critical minerals and ladders import dependence. Understand that crude oil (sources) at least is more diversified," he said. "Indian policy makers must choose between accepting permanent strategic dependence on adversaries or committing the resources necessary for genuine support to independence," Nageswaran said. Stating that AI will cause labour displacement, Nageswaran pitched for caution in AI adoption and added that "we will have to choose the areas in which we allow AI to be deployed and harnessed, and also the speed with which we do so". There is a need to create at least 80 lakh new jobs per annum in the next 10-12 years, he added.
Mint
14 minutes ago
- Mint
The ultimate guide to the Trump tariff fallout: Trade wars, Russian oil, and India-US ties
New Delhi: A fortnight after Donald Trump won the US presidential election in November 2024, Rahul Roy-Chaudhuri, a senior fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, was speaking at a global conference on Trump in Naples, Italy. 'I noticed that the Europeans were very pessimistic, whereas the Indians were optimistic—cautious, but optimistic. They were upbeat about Trump," said Roy-Chaudhuri, a specialist in South Asian affairs, who was presenting a paper on the Indian perspective. Now, days after Trump announced a stiff new tariff regime and secondary sanctions against India, the London-based strategic analyst wonders, 'Did we get that wrong? Were the Europeans right after all?" He's not the only one left bewildered by Trump's measures—although this story is still developing, with a myriad unknowns that could tip the scales in favour of India. Why us, is a common refrain heard among civil servants and businesses in New Delhi these days, although some say India should have seen this coming, and drawn hard lessons from Trump's first term, when he forced India to lower tariffs on US-made Harley Davidson motorcycles and bourbon whisky. Back when Trump first made a bid for the US presidency in 2016, India and Indians leapt to his aid. With the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party champing at the bit to craft a new foreign policy that would eject ideology in favour of trade and business, the moment seemed opportune. Hell, you could even say auspicious. Some in India publicly prayed for Trump's victory with garlands, chants and conch-shells. In the US, meanwhile, influential Indian-origin supporters of his Republican Party swiftly swung into action helping organise glamorous fund raisers and public meetings. Back then, it seemed, India couldn't put a foot wrong as both countries forged closer ties against the backdrop of Chinese belligerence in India's neighbourhood and the Asia-Pacific region. But seven months into his second term, Trump has hiked tariffs on some Indian imports to 25% and imposed secondary sanctions in the form of another 25% tariffs for purchases of sanctioned Russian oil, which are set to kick in on 27 August. Announced in the middle of US-India negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement (BTA) that the two sides expect will take mutual trade to $500 billion by 2030, India called the move 'unfair, unjustified and unreasonable". Mint breaks down the tariff war, the future of bilateral trade, India's (and the world's) energy trade with Russia, the changing landscape of foreign policy, and what could heal the injured Indo-US ties. What went wrong 'There was a mismatch of expectations around the bread and butter issues of the trade agreement," said Pankaj Saran, former deputy national security adviser and ex-ambassador to Russia. 'Even the first time around (the first Trump presidency), we had a difficult experience. This time, we were mindful of past experience and offered a generous package, with a lot of concessions. The Americans admitted they had received it but they were unsure how to handle it internally." Not just Americans and Indians, no one's quite sure how to deal with the most mercurial US presidency in living memory. But the reversal in India-US ties, as India pushed back on American demands to open up its market for agricultural produce and allow genetically modified (GM) products, has been stunning. 'There is no precedent," said Saran. 'Trump's mode of operation is that there is no last word. It is a combination of strategies involving a mix of carrot, stick and public admonition. For him, it seems, outcomes are more important." Who needs Russia more? Both Europe and America continue to buy vital commodities from Russia. America, for instance, continues to import Russian enriched uranium, plutonium, fertilisers and palladium, a key mineral used in catalytic converters in vehicles. And although European Union (EU) imports from Russia have fallen 86% since the first quarter of 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, Reuters reported on 6 August that the 27-nation grouping continues to buy Russian oil, nickel, natural gas, fertilizer, iron and steel from Russia. In fact, according to energy trade data tracked by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, a non-profit think-tank founded in Helsinki, the EU was the world's leading buyer of Russian LNG and piped gas—key to heating up countries with growing ageing populations and harsh winters. Indian purchases were convenient for the US and EU, which bought products refined in India from Russian crude, while global prices were shored up. As Eric Garcetti, who was US ambassador to India under former President Joe Biden, told the Washington-based Council on Foreign Relations in May 2024, 'They [India] bought Russian oil because we wanted someone to buy Russian oil at a price cap—that was not a violation or anything, that was actually the design of the policy, because as a commodity, we did not want the price of oil to go up. They fulfilled that." Trump's political priorities Trump wants to address three overarching domestic problems by the tariffs—trade balance, budget deficit and his fiscal problem, said Mohandas Pai, chairman of Aarin Capital. 'He wants to reduce the trade deficit with India ($45.8 bn in 2024) by cutting imports. But the US has very little to export except high-tech products, defence equipment and aircraft. Trump seems to have forgotten the 450 Boeing aircraft orders India has already placed," Pai said. 'Tariffs don't work' There are several dimensions to the current political problems that the Trump administration is attempting to solve, and pivoting to just one, that is restricting imports, will not solve problems that are large and generic in nature, said Neelkanth Mishra, chief economist at Axis Bank. 'The Americans have forgotten that tariffs don't work. If anyone thinks that the profit pools of exporters to the US or American firms importing goods are so large that $500-600 billion of tariffs can be absorbed, then they are completely mistaken. These are efficient markets, and therefore have thin margins." Figures released by the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office, analysed by Fox News, showed that the US budget deficit ballooned by $109 billion to $1.6 trillion in the first 10 months of FY25 compared with the same period a year ago, despite the tariffs. Spending rose by $372 billion over this period, led by expenditure on benefits, including for medical aid for America's ageing population. National debt surged $60 billion to $37 trillion. Inflation is coming Cost escalations are set to be passed on to American consumers. According to research by The Budget Lab, an independent think tank of Yale University, published on 7 August, American consumers are set to bear an overall average effective tariff rate of 18.6%, the highest since 1933. After taking into account changes in consumer spending patterns, influenced by factors like income and prices, the average tariff rate will be 17.7%, the highest since 1934. This is not good news for Indian exports either. The tariffs disproportionately impact labour-intensive clothing and textiles, with US consumers facing 39% higher shoe prices and 37% higher apparel prices over the next two years. Not surprisingly, Trump has spared two sectors from high tariffs, pharmaceuticals and smartphones, unwilling to tinker with cheap Indian-made generic drugs and mobile phones prices. The prize for peace Things could turn around very quickly for India if a planned 15-August summit between Trump and Russian president Vladimir Putin manages to strike a peace deal—an outcome that should scotch at a stroke the raison d'être for secondary sanctions. It is not known if Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky, who has European backing, will attend. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Zelensky had a conversation on Monday, following which the Ukrainian leader said on X, 'I had a long conversation with the Prime Minister of India. We discussed in detail all important issues—both of our bilateral cooperation and the overall diplomatic situation. I am grateful to the Prime Minister for his warm words of support for our people. It is important that India is supporting our peace efforts and shares the position that everything concerning Ukraine must be decided with Ukraine's participation. Other formats will not deliver results." To be sure, even if the peace deal goes through, which would be a massive feather in Trump's world peace-building cap and Nobel peace prize aspirations, it is not clear if Washington would withdraw the 25% tariffs. The 'superimposition' shock Analysts say signs of Trump's tariff obsession have long been strewn around global trade channels. He began calling India the 'tariff king" in his first presidency and, continuing to riff on the theme, made clear in the hustings last year that he will stop countries from selling goods on the cheap in America, a key pledge that pleased his core MAGA (Make America Great Again) constituency. Rather, it is the non-trade stuff, chiefly the way Trump handled the aftermath of this year's India-Pakistan conflict, that came as a shock—an intrusion that Saran calls 'the superimposition of the political aspect". This was marked by Trump's repeated claims to have helped end the conflict, denied by New Delhi, which views Kashmir mediation as a red line, and his hosting the Pakistan army chief, Gen. Asim Munir, at the White House. The man later issued outrageous nuclear threats from American soil. 'There's no doubt that Pakistan has come up in the political relationship (with America)," said Saran in comments made before Munir's nuclear threats. 'Trump probably found the India-Pakistan conflict to be a geo-political surprise, and he is convinced about the American role in ending it. The difference between the Indian and Pakistani approach to this was sharp. The disagreements began with trade, and political aspects were superimposed on it." White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly said Trump hosted Munir after he called for the president to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. According to Roy-Chaudhuri of IISS, New Delhi may have 'mismanaged massaging his (Trump's) ego". How to heal With India seen by much of the world as key to addressing the negative impact of a fragmented world described by some experts as a fallout of 'deglobalization," its relationship with the US will be keenly watched. For ties to heal, some suggest looking at some of the domestic economic areas that have emerged as irritants. 'Politicians, like markets, tend to be forward-looking," said Mishra, asked if tariffs could spur domestic reforms. 'Consensus needs an external pressure to allow the government to go through meaningful reforms, in agriculture and GM crops for instance. We've been reluctant to change. Why not change now? In manufacturing, we should be looking at domestic demand. The assumption everyone makes is that manufacturing is chiefly for exports—that is wrong. Export competitiveness is important for better productivity, but exports as a source of end-demand are unlikely to be large enough." To be sure, introducing such reforms in India won't be easy. New Delhi, after all, chose to walk out of the Doha Round of trade talks in 2008 rather than give in to American pressure on agriculture. China supported the Indian position against the US then, and something similar may be happening this time around too, with four of the Brics Plus grouping founders— Brazil, Russia, India and China—reportedly eyeing a response to tariffs. Trump is deeply suspicious of Brics, viewing it as anti-American, and this has emerged as another sticking point in India-US ties. But the Russian ambassador to India told a recent meeting on Brics, organised by the India Foundation, more than once that 'de-dollarization (finding an alternative to the global currency of trade) was never a Brics proposal". Pai recommends keeping the temperature down. 'India and the US are joined at the hips when it comes to technology. As many as 25 major US tech companies have Indian-origin CEOs," said Pai, whose Aarin Capital is an investor in technology-intensive businesses. 'It's a temporary set-back. In India, there's a lot of pride; we are not deal-driven." A test ahead 'Trump's Presidency is a work in progress," said Saran. 'You have to play with the cards you are dealt. We have to find our own equilibrium with President Trump, and be careful not to make matters worse. Indian diplomacy will be strongly tested in the coming years, with flashes from the Cold War years, now fuelled by terrorism, threatening to cloud what promised to be a new era of growth-fuelled development. Equally, with a mercurial US president, things could swing right back to a more predictable and respectful relationship. But even amid the current uncertainty, Indian diplomats can draw satisfaction from the fact that an increasingly multipolar world sees India as a shining example of economic progress. And that's something even Trump cannot ignore.
The Hindu
14 minutes ago
- The Hindu
U.S. report says India acts minimally, Pakistan rarely acts against rights abuses
The U.S. government noted abuses in India and Pakistan in a shortened human rights report released on Tuesday (August 12, 2025) that said India 'took minimal credible steps' to combat the abuses while Pakistan 'rarely took credible steps.' The Trump administration scaled back the annual U.S. government report on human rights worldwide, dramatically softening criticism of some allies and countries that have been President Donald Trump's partners. The State Department human rights documentation for India and Pakistan was also much shorter and scaled back this year. India has been an important U.S. partner in recent years in Washington's effort to counter China's rise, although relations have been tense over Mr. Trump's imposition of a 50% tariff on goods from India. Pakistan is a non-NATO U.S. ally. About India, the report said, 'The government took minimal credible steps or action to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.' On Pakistan, it added, 'The government rarely took credible steps to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.' Indian and Pakistani embassies in Washington had no immediate comment on the report released on Tuesday (August 12, 2025), which documented instances in 2024. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch fault the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government for its treatment of minorities. They point to rising hate speeches, a religion-based citizenship law the U.N. calls 'fundamentally discriminatory,' anti-conversion legislation that challenges freedom of belief, the 2019 removal of Muslim-majority Kashmir's special status, and the demolition of properties owned by Muslims. Mr. Modi denies discrimination and says his policies, such as food subsidy programs and electrification drives, benefit everyone. In Pakistan, Amnesty International says government authorities fail to protect minorities, including Christians, and use 'excessive and unnecessary force' against civil society voices and protesters. In particular, rights groups, the U.N., and Western governments raised concerns over the 2024 Pakistani elections. A U.N. working group said last year that former Prime Minister Imran Khan's detention violated international law. Khan remains in jail. Islamabad says its elections were fair and dismisses allegations of rigging and foul play. Washington and New Delhi have not reached a trade deal, while the United States has reached an agreement in recent weeks with Pakistan. Mr. Trump angered India by taking credit for an India-Pakistan ceasefire in May after hostilities between the neighbours following an April attack in India-administered Kashmir. India says New Delhi and Islamabad should resolve their ties directly without outside involvement.
