GOP congressional lawmaker says she's been getting ‘imminent death threats' since revealing life-threatening ectopic pregnancy
Rep. Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) said that 'imminent death threats' forced the evacuation of her offices on Wednesday, days after she revealed that she suffered an ectopic pregnancy last year.
Cammack, who is currently pregnant, said the threats were directed at 'me, my unborn child, my family, and my staff,' in a post on X.
'These threats erupted after the Wall Street Journal reported on my life-threatening ectopic pregnancy — a nonviable pregnancy with no heartbeat,' the congresswoman explained. 'Since then, we've recieved [sic] thousands of hate-filled messages and dozens of credible threats from pro-abortion activists, which law enforcement is actively investigating.'
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3 Rep. Kat Cammack attends a House Judiciary Select Subcommittee hearing in the Rayburn Building on May 18, 2023.
CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
'In light of recent violence against elected officials, these threats are taken very seriously.'
Cammack, who represents Florida's 3rd Congressional District, included screenshots of some of the disturbing messages she's been receiving since the Wall Street Journal published a piece Sunday on her life-threatening ectopic pregnancy.
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'Too bad those of us who actually believe in freedom fought for the medical care that saved your life!! We all would be better off if you hadn't survived!! The only good republican is …. A DEAD ONE,' read one unhinged Instagram comment shared by Cammack.
'Count your days,' a deranged Instagram user direct messaged the congresswoman.
'You should've been dead the other like every other women has been due to the laws you agreed to,' the menacing message continued.
3 Cammack, who is currently pregnant, said the threats were directed at 'me, my unborn child, my family, and my staff,' in a post on X.
Kat Cammack/X
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In the Wall Street Journal piece, Cammack shared the challenges she faced getting medical treatment for the unviable pregnancy as Florida's six-week abortion ban went into effect just as she discovered she was five-weeks pregnant.
The congresswoman said doctors and nurses feared losing their licenses or going to jail if they provided her with drugs to terminate the pregnancy, which could have ruptured her fallopian tube, but eventually agreed to offer her the treatment.
'To those spreading misinformation: I did not vote for Florida's heartbeat law; I serve in the US House of Representatives, not the Florida Legislature,' Cammack noted in her X post.
'Let me be clear: I will not be intimidated. I won't back down in the fight for women and families,' she continued. 'Ensuring women have the resources and care they deserve is critical.'
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3 Rep. Cammack speaks during the Republican Study Committee press conference on May 19, 2021.
CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Imag
'We need real conversations about maternal healthcare in America—conversations based on truth, not fear.'
Cammack is generally opposed to abortion but supports the procedure in cases of rape or incest or when the life of mother is in danger.
Her office and US Capitol Police did not immediately respond to The Post's requests for comment.
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The Hill
17 minutes ago
- The Hill
White House stablecoin push collides with efforts to tie crypto bills
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Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
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After DiMasi resigned in scandal, Michlewitz won his House seat in a 2009 special election — the innermost of inside tracks. Michlewitz has steadily climbed the ranks since; he is now House budget chair, one of the most powerful posts in the state. Advertisement Wu came from the outside. She arrived at Harvard from the Chicago area 20 years ago as a homesick college kid. The daughter of Taiwanese immigrants, she was a management consultant, a small business owner, and a law student before she found her way to politics, earning a summer fellowship under Menino in City Hall and working for Elizabeth Warren's first Senate campaign in 2012 before running for City Council herself. Wu and Michlewitz met about 15 years ago, when she was his constituent, and grew closer through her work leading the Ward 4 Democratic Committee and then through shared efforts on the Warren campaign. Michlewitz said he knew immediately that Wu would go far. They had not overlapped at City Hall, but they were both part of the broader 'Menino family,' a group bonded by devotion to the long-serving mayor. And both had a mentor in Near the end of 2012, Michlewitz recalled, Wu asked him to lunch at Zen in Beacon Hill and told him she was running for city councilor at-large. At that time, it looked like there would be four incumbents seeking reelection in the race, which meant, to win, Wu would need to knock one of them off. Standing with her could mean rocking the boat. Michlewitz agreed to back her before she could even get the words out to ask, he recalled. He was her first endorsement. Once Wu was elected to the City Council, they became close collaborators on local issues, discussing sewers, alleyways, restrictions on Uber and AirBnB. In August 2014, Michlewitz posted a video in a white undershirt Advertisement 'It's so rare and it's so meaningful in a space like politics to also find room for friendships,' Wu said in an interview. 'In some ways, it's felt like we've grown up together in Boston politics.' The two politicians agree often, but not always. In 2016, when developers proposed a hulking, 700-foot-plus Winthrop Square tower, critics fretted about the shadow it would cast on Boston Common. Wu Michlewitz confessed to being 'frustrated' by some of the city's new bike lanes, which Wu campaigned on expanding. But their friendship endures despite those disagreements. 'We both have jobs to do. We have mutual respect for each other, which I think is important. And sometimes those jobs don't necessarily align,' he said. There are times when rigid State House traditions seem to take precedence. In 2021, Michlewitz endorsed his House colleague Jon Santiago for mayor of Boston, backing him — as many state lawmakers did — over Wu. The message was clear: Beacon Hill stands by its own. Related : There seem to have been no lasting hard feelings. When Santiago dropped out of the race months later, Michlewitz endorsed Wu and campaigned with her. On the day before the November election, with polls heavily favoring Wu, she and Michlewitz had lunch with Uncle Frank. Michlewitz recalled how optimistic he and Chin felt about the outcome. Wu remembered it as an anchoring moment of calm before the storm. Advertisement Michlewitz wore a Michelle Wu for mayor button as he campaigned for her in 2021. Pat Greenhouse/Globe Staff When Wu won the next night, Michlewitz introduced her at her victory party. He hugged her, then stepped out of her spotlight so she could greet the triumphant crowd. 'The best ally' Their relationship has only grown more central to the region's politics since that night. In the beginning of her term, they spoke every day, Michlewitz said. ''What do you think about this … How quickly should we do this?'' he recalled. 'Sometimes she'll listen to me, sometimes she doesn't.' How often are they in touch now? 'A lot,' Wu said, with a laugh. Every Boston mayor has relied on allies at the State House, in part because Rent control, fare-free public transit, major elements of her plans for a greener city — all rest in the hands of her counterparts in the state Legislature. And history shows Boston mayors don't have a strong record there, even those, like Marty Walsh, who were once state legislators themselves. Related : With Michlewitz in her corner, as well as other key allies such as Majority Leader Michael Moran of Brighton, Wu has notched some major wins. The city has been granted a seat on the Having allies in leadership makes those victories possible. 'Everything that the city needs at the House level is something [Michlewitz] is very helpful on,' said Phil Frattaroli, a North End restaurateur who has been involved in city politics. 'He's the best ally. … He's the best card to have in your hand.' Boston Mayor Michelle Wu and Massachusetts House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Aaron Michlewitz embraced at the podium during a Massachusetts Democratic Party fund-raiser at Empire Garden restaurant in Chinatown in May. Erin Clark But sometimes — as in the case of rent control — Michlewitz does not agree with Wu, leaving a policy proposal nowhere at the State House. Cynical political observers note Michlewitz is unlikely to risk his own standing — or his path to the speaker's office — to benefit the mayor. Wu acknowledged that the two don't always agree; 'at the city level versus the state level, there are different considerations,' she said. 'It's a different pace up there,' which can be frustrating, she continued. 'There's always something to be moving forward and collaborating on, and maybe, from his perspective, there's probably always something that I'm impatient on at any given moment. But that's my job.' When Michlewitz does line up with Wu, sometimes even his influence can take her agenda only so far. The ugliest battle Wu has faced to date on Beacon Hill was her effort last year to shift Boston's tax burden. She needed the state's permission to temporarily raise rates on businesses in order to blunt the increases to residents' bills. It was a tall order on Beacon Hill, where business leaders who feel scorned by Wu tend to find more favorable treatment. The powerful real estate industry staunchly opposed Wu's proposal. Michlewitz knew it would be 'challenging' to pass it, but thought Wu should have the flexibility to maneuver through a difficult economic cycle. Cue the negotiations. After Wu and Michlewitz agreed to a slightly narrower, 'He worked in the House to assure everyone that this was the right thing to do, because it wasn't an easy thing to get through,' said Jason Aluia, a lobbyist and leader of Boston's Ward 3 Democratic Committee who grew up with Michlewitz in the North End. Wu and Michlewitz are able to talk frankly even about difficult political realities, Aluia said. 'He has a very keen political sense,' Aluia said. 'He's going to say, 'I could help you do this, but that's not happening right now,' and she accepts that because she knows the State House is his place, and the city is her domain.' Trouble stirred again, though, when Wu's proposal headed to the Senate side, where a carefully Related : It wasn't the first time, nor is it likely to be the last, that Wu's agenda cleared Michlewitz's wing of the building only to die on the side where he wields far less influence. For some, there is a simple structural explanation: Beacon Hill runs on hierarchy, and Boston's stock is higher on the House side. Of course, Wu is not the only one who benefits from the relationship. Michlewitz can turn to her on constituent issues or local city matters, such as street design (though, as they both readily acknowledged, they don't always agree). In recent years, as they navigated a Wu and Michlewitz appeared in the North End amid a bitter debate over outdoor dining in the neighborhood. David L. Ryan/Globe Staff A second-term mayor with a strong mandate from voters, plus a freshly crowned House speaker from her city, would make for a powerful political force. But it remains to be seen whether each will take that next step, and whether they will row in the same direction if they do. 'Having leadership that's connected to Boston, of course, is going to shed a light on the needs in our city,' Wu said. 'There's always a lot to talk about on work issues and politics, but I'm grateful for a friendship that goes far beyond that.' For his part, Michlewitz said of Wu, 'Sometimes she can convince me, sometimes I have to try to convince her.' 'The thing that I appreciate about the mayor the most is that she is an honest broker,' he said. 'That to me is more important than policy sometimes.' Emma Platoff can be reached at
