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Type ‘South Korea'? The phone calls it a ‘Puppet State' — Inside North Korea's shocking surveillance

Type ‘South Korea'? The phone calls it a ‘Puppet State' — Inside North Korea's shocking surveillance

Mint01-06-2025
A smartphone smuggled out of North Korea has uncovered shocking evidence of the regime's extreme surveillance tactics and linguistic manipulation, shedding light on how Kim Jong-un's government continues to tighten its grip over the country's population.
The device, obtained by the BBC in late 2024 and analysed by tech experts, reveals that North Korean smartphones—running a heavily modified version of Android—are embedded with tools specifically designed to enforce state ideology, censor foreign influence, and monitor citizens' every digital move.
One of the most disturbing features is the phone's automatic rewriting of certain terms. Typing 'South Korea' into the phone replaces it with 'puppet state,' a derogatory term used in North Korean propaganda.
Similarly, the word 'oppa,' a common South Korean expression for an older brother or boyfriend, is forcibly changed to 'comrade,' accompanied by a warning: 'This word can only be used to describe your siblings.'
These changes reflect North Korea's broader policy of linguistic control—redefining language itself to shape perception and loyalty.
The phone is also equipped with hidden surveillance functions. It silently takes screenshots every five minutes and stores them in a hidden folder that is inaccessible to users but available to state authorities. This, as stated by a reporter for the BBC, allows officials to monitor individual behavior in real-time and maintain complete control over what citizens are doing on their devices.
Internet access is entirely blocked. Instead, North Korean users are restricted to a closed intranet system known as Kwangmyong, which hosts only state-approved content and offers no connection to the outside world.
The phone's escape from North Korea—believed to have been smuggled across the Chinese border via defector networks or underground routes—offers a rare window into one of the world's most secretive and tightly controlled regimes.
North Korea's information lockdown is among the most comprehensive in the world. Citizens are systematically cut off from foreign news, media, and culture, particularly from South Korea, which is officially considered an enemy state. The smartphone's software plays a key role in this digital iron curtain—subverting words, spying on users, and shaping minds in service of the regime.
As North Korea escalates its 'information war' against outside influence, the smuggled phone stands as stark evidence of a society where even casual conversation is controlled.
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'Heinous crimes with utter impunity': India flags Pakistan's sexual violence in 1971 at UNSC
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'Heinous crimes with utter impunity': India flags Pakistan's sexual violence in 1971 at UNSC

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Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel No matter what Americans think of their politics, the United States still operates in the open. When the most powerful politician and the richest businessman fell out, the public got the full spectacle: barbed posts on social media and sniping in is the opposite. The country still doesn't know why former President Hu Jintao was abruptly escorted out of the 2022 Communist Party congress, or what really happened when former Premier Li Keqiang died at 68 in 2023. And decades later, the full story of Lin Biao, Mao Zedong's chosen successor, who fled China and died in a plane crash in 1971, is still secrecy has spawned a niche industry of "bedside eavesdroppers" -- Chinese online commentators who parse rumors and fleeting clues for signs of political shifts. Their YouTube videos dissect the gait, complexion or media appearances of China's leader, Xi Jinping , and can draw millions of views from outside the country's internet bedside eavesdroppers have had a busy summer. Xi has purged a number of military and political leaders this year, all of whom he had appointed. The eavesdroppers have contrived a timeline of Xi's exit, a combative meeting between Xi's bloc and that of the party elders and even the military's secret plan to topple his rule. The chatter was joined by American voices: a former U.S. national security adviser, a former diplomat and Washington think tanks that suggested there was a fracture in his power structure. Political risk consultancies and investment funds rushed to brief clients: Why is Xi doing this? Does it signal strength or weakness?Chinese politics remains a black box, and few credible observers are willing to be seen as indulging in rumor. Yet the questions themselves are legitimate. And they have deep historical purges follow in the tradition of Josef Stalin and Mao, and they serve as tools to discipline the elite and cement the absolute authority of one man. The campaign by Xi, who rose to the top over 12 years ago, underscores the difficulty of managing a vast system, even for a leader with seemingly unchallenged power. The feverish rumor mill may be a symptom of growing tension between Xi and the Communist Party the 1930s, Stalin's Great Purge eliminated 70% of the Soviet Communist Party 's Central Committee and more than half of the 1,966 delegates to its 1934 congress. Vast swaths of the Soviet military leadership were executed."This is one of the most amazing things of communism -- that it kills its own loyalists," said Stephen Kotkin, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and author of two volumes of a planned three-book Stalin biography. "People who don't waver in their loyalty are nonetheless targeted by the regime in its paranoia and its paroxysms."Nearly a century later, Xi's campaign is neither as sweeping nor as bloody, but it's the most far-reaching since the Cultural Revolution, when Mao sidelined or destroyed most of his top lieutenants, including Deng Xiaoping and Xi's own father, Xi 2024, the Communist Party disciplined 889,000 members, including 73 at or above the provincial or ministerial level, according to official statistics. Since late 2022, about 10% of the party's Central Committee, its top decision-making body, has been purged, sidelined or conspicuously absent from key meetings, Stanford political scientist Wu Guoguang military has been hit the hardest. At least 45 officials in the People's Liberation Army and China's military-industrial complex have been removed since 2023, according to the Jamestown Foundation. Two defense ministers were charged, on the same day in 2024, with corruption and with deeds that amounted to a betrayal of Xi of this came after Xi secured a third term in 2022 and filled the leadership ranks with his allies. Why can't he stop?Paranoia is a main driver. In authoritarian regimes, control over military and security forces is existential, said Kotkin at Hoover, but even loyalists develop their own interests and networks, posing risks for the leader. Xi, like other strongmen, faces the immense challenge of controlling a vast system that far exceeds the reach of his personal network, Kotkin said. Xi has had to reshuffle and purge and pit officials against one another and manipulate rivalries."My point is not that Xi Jinping is in trouble," Kotkin said. Rather, it's about the difficulties anyone would have managing such a big of Stanford sees a recurring cycle in Stalin, Mao and now Xi: Political purges follow governance failures and further centralize power. 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In May, it released two Mandarin recruitment videos aimed at Chinese officials."As I climbed the ranks within the party, I watched my higher-ups fall suddenly into disgrace," one fictional party official narrates. "Now I realized my destiny is just as precarious as theirs."Recruitment is not really the point. The U.S. government is trying to convey a message that it believes there is disaffection in elite not clear how effective Xi's purges will be, though there is no end in sight."Xi Jinping's new model of totalitarianism clashes with the crony-capitalist model favored by CCP elites under his two predecessors, Jiang Zeming and Hu Jintao," Wu of Stanford added, "This is not a conflict that Xi can resolve simply by replacing 1,000, 2,000 or even 10,000 cadres."Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Economic Times.

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