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Trump says good parts of US economy are ‘Trump economy,' bad parts are ‘Biden economy'

Trump says good parts of US economy are ‘Trump economy,' bad parts are ‘Biden economy'

CNN04-05-2025

President Donald Trump said the US economy is a mixture of his enacted policies and the effects of the Biden administration in a wide-ranging interview on NBC's 'Meet the Press with Kristen Welker.'
'I think the good parts are the 'Trump economy' and the bad parts are the 'Biden economy' because he's done a terrible job,' Trump said in the interview that aired Sunday.
Trump recently completed his first 100 days in office, with 66% of Americans saying they are pessimistic (29%) or afraid (37%) about the economy, according to a CNN/SSRS poll released Monday. Just 34% say they feel enthusiastic or optimistic. Overall, 69% of the public considers an economic recession in the next year to be at least somewhat likely, including 32% who say that's very likely.
Trump took credit for bringing costs down. 'I was able to get down the costs. But even that, it takes a while to get them down. But we got them down good,' he said.
Average grocery prices were about 2.41% higher in March 2025 than they were in March 2024, Consumer Price Index data shows. This was the highest year-over-year grocery inflation rate since August 2023.
Welker asked Trump if he would 'take responsibility' for the volatile stock market, which steeply declined after he announced sweeping, reciprocal tariffs.
'I've only just been here for a little more than three months. But the stock market, look at what's happened in the last short period of time. Didn't it have nine or 10 days in a row, or 11 days, where it's gone up? And the tariffs have just started kicking in. And we're doing really well,' Trump said.
On Friday, the S&P 500 closed at 5,686.67, down 6% since January 21, the first trading session of Trump's term. On April 9, the S&P surged 9.5%, its best daily performance in nearly 17 years, after Trump paused tariffs on most nations.
'What's going to happen with the market? I can't tell you, but I can tell you, our country has gotten a lot stronger, and eventually it'll be a country like no other,' Trump said on April 6, while downplaying stock losses and adding, 'I don't want anything to go down, but sometimes you have to take medicine to fix something.'
Trump has provided little reassurance to Americans and business owners about the short- and long-term effects of his economic policies, like the imposed 145% tariff on Chinese imports, the removal of the de minimis exemption, rounds of tariffs on auto imports and a universal 10% tariff rate during the 90-day pause on most reciprocal tariffs.
Welker asked Trump, 'You're not taking the possibility that (some of) these tariffs could be permanent off the table?'
'No, I wouldn't do that. Because if somebody thought they were going to come off the table, why would they build in the United States?' Trump said.
While he's provided some relief to major companies, particularly car makers that received delays on tariffs and are now allowed some reimbursements on imported car parts, Trump declined to provide relief for small businesses.
'They're not going to need it,' he told Welker.
Trump said he does 'take responsibility for everything,' adding that 'the tariffs are going to make us rich. We're going to be a very rich country.'
But concerns about the impact of tariffs have caused an increasing number of Americans to worry about a potential recession.
In April, JPMorgan said the odds of a recession were 60%, up from 40%. Goldman Sachs said the odds of a recession were 45%.
'Everything's OK,' Trump told Welker. 'This is a transition period. I think we're going to do fantastically.'
Trump added that he is not worried about a recession. But when asked if he thinks a recession could happen, he said, 'Anything can happen.'
Welker asked Trump about rising prices on goods due to tariffs. Trump said consumers may need to purchase fewer goods.
'I don't think that a beautiful baby girl needs … to have 30 dolls. I think they can have three dolls or four dolls because what we were doing with China was just unbelievable,' Trump said.
Amid his ongoing battle with the economy, Trump has repeatedly attacked Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell for not lowering interest rates quickly enough. He recently called Powell 'a major loser' whose 'termination cannot come soon enough.'
The comments left some wondering if Trump would attempt to fire Powell before the Fed chair's term ends in 2026. Trump has said he has 'no intention of firing' Powell.
In the interview with Welker, Trump reiterated that he would not fire Powell, saying that he will already 'get to change him very quickly anyway.'
Powell has said the law does not permit a president to remove a Fed chair. Most legal scholars agree with Powell on this point, with exceptions for extraordinary circumstances, such as illegal behavior.
CNN's Ariel Edwards-Levy, Daniel Dale, Matt Egan, Alicia Wallace, Chris Isidore and Robert Ilich contributed to this report.

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Pam Bondi Curtails American Bar Association's Role in Vetting Trump's Judicial Nominees
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Pam Bondi Curtails American Bar Association's Role in Vetting Trump's Judicial Nominees

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A New Working-Class GOP? If 'Working-Class' Means $4.3 Million a Year!
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A New Working-Class GOP? If 'Working-Class' Means $4.3 Million a Year!

So much for a new, 'populist' Republican Party. So much for the GOP as a brave band of fiscally prudent, anti-deficit hawks. The 'Big, Beautiful Bill' is a declaration of intellectual bankruptcy, policy incoherence, and political vacuousness. That's its formal name, by the way, and you've already admitted a problem when you have to sell something that hard. It's no wonder that the only way the BBB passed the House was for one opponent to vote 'present' and for two others to miss the vote. One of the absent members fell asleep and missed the vote, an entirely appropriate response to an exercise in philosophical exhaustion. Defending the bill requires twisting facts into the 'alternative' variety and turning the plain meaning of words upside down. For example: The right wingers who demanded more cuts in programs for low-income people are regularly described as 'deficit hawks.' But even if they had gotten all the changes they sought, the bill would have massively increased the deficit. And most of them voted for a final product that will add close to $4 trillion to the nation's indebtedness. If these guys are hawks, I don't know what a dove looks like. Trump and his backers continue to insist that they are building a new working-class Republican coalition. But the astonishing thing about this bill is not only that it lavishes tax cuts on the very well-off; it also takes money away from Americans earning less than $51,000 a year once its cuts in Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act, SNAP, and student loans are counted for. Republicans who rail against 'income redistribution' are doing an awful lot of redistribution themselves—to those who already have lots of money. The Penn Wharton budget model of the near-final version of the bill found that Americans earning less than $17,000 would lose $1,035 under its terms. Those earning between $17,000 and $50,999 would lose $705. 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When you look below the hood, it's primarily about the interests of people who can buy their way into Trump's golf clubs and private pay-for-play dinners—and, especially, about the enrichment of Trump and his family. On the phony populism side, Democrats in the House did a generally good job of highlighting the costs of provisions in the bill that hurt so many of Trump's voters, particularly the cuts in Medicaid and nutrition assistance, or SNAP. Senate Democrats have already ramped up similar efforts as that body's Republican leaders prepare to grapple with the steaming pile of incongruities the House has sent their way. You can tell that Republicans know how unpopular the Medicaid cuts in the bill are because they delayed their effectiveness date to minimize their electoral effect, repeatedly denied they are cutting Medicaid—and don't want to talk at all about how slashing subsidies within the Affordable Care Act would take health coverage away from millions more Americans. 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That populist rhetoric is being married to plutocratic policies is still not recognized widely enough. This is certainly a commentary on the rightward tilt of the media system the editor of this magazine has called out. But it also reflects a failure of Democrats to take the argument to the heart of Trump's base. It's political common sense that parties focus most of their energy on swing states and swing districts. Yet there will be no breaking the 50-50 deadlock in our politics without a concerted effort to change the minds of voters who have drifted to Trump out of frustration with their own economic circumstances and the condition of their regions. The fight over Medicaid and SNAP cuts directly implicates these voters and these places. And these voters pay more attention to these issues than either the Republicans who take them for granted or Democrats who have given up on them believe. When Andy Beshear won his first race for governor of Kentucky in 2019, he not only mobilized Democrats in urban areas; he also flipped many rural counties and cut the Republicans' margins in others. Typical was Carter County in eastern Kentucky. The county went for Beshear even though it had backed his GOP opponent and then-incumbent Republican Governor Matt Bevin four years earlier and gave Trump 73.8 percent of its ballots in 2016. Breathitt County in Appalachia also flipped, having gone for Bevin and voted 69.6 percent for Trump. Fred Cowan, a former Kentucky attorney general and a shrewd student of his state's politics, told me then that these voters understood where their interests lay. 'In a lot of these counties, the school systems or the hospitals—or both—are the biggest employers,' he said 'The Medicaid expansion helped a lot of people over there.' Sure, it's easier for Democrats like Beshear with strong local profiles to make their case. But the national party needs to learn from these politicians that giving up on whole swaths of voters is both an electoral and moral mistake. The emptiness of Republican populism speaks to the larger problem of mistaking Trump's ability to create a somewhat new electoral coalition with intellectual and policy innovation. Some conservative commentators are honest enough to admit how the BBB demonstrates that the 'old Republican Party is still powerful, the old ideas are still dominant,' as Ross Douthat observed in The New York Times. But even Douthat wants to cast the bill as an exception to a bolder transformation the president has engineered, particularly around immigration and a 'Trumpian culture war.' The problem here is that none of this is new, either. The GOP was moving right on immigration well before Trump—when, for example, it killed George W. Bush's immigration bill in 2007 as right-wing media cheered it on. The culture war and the battle against universities are old hat too. The real innovator here was the late Irving Kristol, whose columns in the 1970s introduced Wall Street Journal readers to the dangers posed to business interests by 'the new class' of Hollywood, media, and university types, along with activist lawyers. True, Trump is taking this fight to extreme places Kristol would never have gone. But, again, there's no new thinking here. And the attack on trans rights is just the latest front in the LGBTQ+ debates, now that the right has had to abandon its opposition to same-sex marriage because Americans have come to support it overwhelmingly. Even the contradictions aren't new. Since the Reagan years, Republicans have always talked about the dangers of deficits when Democrats were in power but cast those worries aside when they had the power to cut taxes. 'Reagan proved deficits don't matter' is the canonical Dick Cheney quote from 2002 when he was pushing for more tax cuts in W.'s administration. The exception proves the rule: George H.W. Bush made a deal with Democrats in 1991 that included tax increases because he really did care about deficits—and conservatives never forgave him for it. In an odd way, you have to admire Cheney's candor: At least he admitted what he was doing. The Freedom Caucus members have the gall to yell at the top of their lungs about how they care so very much about the debt—and then vote in overwhelming numbers to pile on billions more. As the debate over the BBB moves to the Senate, the immediate imperative is to expose the damage the bill does to millions of Trump's voters to benefit his Mar-a-Lago and crypto-wealthy friends. But it's also an occasion to shatter the illusion that Trump is some sort of brilliant policy innovator. Extremism and authoritarianism are not new ideas, and his legislative program would be familiar to Calvin Coolidge.

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