Youth-powered Solutions Take Center Stage at BRICS CCI Youth Leadership Dialogue 2.0
BRICS CCI Youth Leadership Dialogue 2.0
Aligned with International Youth Day celebrations, BRICS CCI Young Leaders Dialogue 2.0 further built on the success of its inaugural edition and reaffirmed its commitment to empowering young Indians to drive national growth and global leadership. With India poised to have one of the world's largest working-age populations over the next two decades, the Dialogue emphasized the need to actively involve young leaders in shaping policy, governance and societal transformation. The summit brought together a carefully selected group of young participants from across the country, providing them with skills, insights and networks to lead with impact.
Mr. Shastri highlighted the event's transformative purpose, stating, 'Empowering young leaders is not just about imparting knowledge, it is about equipping them with the confidence and networks to shape the global narrative.' The summit witnessed the participation of the BRICS CCI Core Committee, including Mr. Harvansh Chawla, Chairman; Dr. BBL Madhukar, Co-Chairman & Director General; Mr. Ashok Kumar Singh, Vice Chairman and Mr. Ruhail Ranjan, Treasurer, BRICS CCI.
Over the course of seven days, participants engaged with a distinguished lineup of speakers and influencers. Among the notable figures were Lt. Gen D.V. Kalra (Retd.), Air Vice Marshal Rajeev Sharma (Retd.), and Rear Admiral A.S. Sethi (Retd.), who shared insights on leadership, discipline, and technological challenges. The diplomatic segment featured Mr. Mikhail Antsiferov, Third Secretary, Russian Embassy; Ms. Leticia Marranghello, Second Secretary, Political Section, Embassy of Brazil; Mr. Peter Mahafha, First Secretary, Political, South African High Commission; Amb. Amarendra Khatua, former High Commissioner of India to Argentina; Mr. Zhang Yefei, First Secretary, Embassy of the People's Republic of China, alongside senior civil servants IPS Parvez Hayat, IPS Shashank Jaiswal, and IRS Sukhad Chaturvedi. The entrepreneurial and corporate leadership sessions included Mr. Bibin Babu, Co-Founder of Paycio; Mr. Prann Sharma, President of Shree Baidyanath Ayurved Bhawan Pvt Ltd and BRICS CCI Governing Body Member; Mr. Jitendra Sharma, CEO of Hairoriginals; Mr. Vikas Dua, HR Head India, Weber Shandwick; Mr. Ankit Jhamb, Chief Learning Officer, Grant Thornton Bharat LLP; Mr. Anuj Gautam, Founder of Label-AG among others.
The final day was marked by keynote addresses from Shri Rajesh Nagar, Minister of State for Food, Civil Supplies & Consumer Affairs Deptt. (Independent charge) and Minister of State for Printing & Stationery Deptt. ( Independent Charge), Government of Haryana; Dr. Rana Gurmit Singh Sodhi, Special Invitee to the National Executive of the BJP and Former Cabinet Minister of Punjab; Dr. Madhukar Gupta, Commissioner, State Election Commission, Rajasthan; Dr. Dnyaneshwar Manohar Mulay, Former Member, National Human Rights Commission; Mr. K.J. Alphons, IAS (Retd.), Former Union Minister for Tourism, India, and Former MLA; Air Marshal Ravi Kapoor (Retd.), Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Central Air Command; Mr. Sushil Sharma, CEO and MD, Marwari Catalyst; Mr. Anku Jain, Managing Director, MediaTek India and Mr. Nishant Sama, Co-Convener, BRICS CCI Young Leaders. Also featured was a keynote session by Mr. He Meng, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of the People's Republic of China. The Dialogue further saw active participation from diplomatic representatives of Bolivia, Russia, Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, Egypt, and Iran, among others.
All participants were awarded globally recognized merit certificates in recognition of their active involvement and commitment to global leadership. By engaging with prominent figures from politics, diplomacy, governance, entrepreneurship, and corporate leadership, participants gained invaluable knowledge and perspectives to shape their future roles in global leadership. The summit successfully cultivated a dynamic and diverse cohort of future leaders prepared to drive positive change in India and across the world.
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The Hindu
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Tracks to Freedom: how railways kick-started the journey towards nationhood
For a nation of shopkeepers, intent on expanding its market reach, the final outcome of introducing the railways in India was something that the English East India Company (EIC) and its successor, the British Raj, did not bargain or foresee: the prising out of the jewel in the crown. India lagged England and its other colonies in flagging off its railways. The steam horse was brought in after much deliberation and with financial guarantees to British capital, primarily for military and freight movement. But when it did arrive, the most unexpected response was the gusto with which Indians took to it as passengers. Freeing them from their domestic confines and giving them the liberty to travel, admittedly only in Third Class (or Fourth until 1885), the popular support that the railways enjoyed elevated it to a cash cow for the several private companies that ran multitude of lines. New-found mobility gave Indians several freedoms — of movement, of exchange of ideas, of thought processes. It opened them up to recognise, accept, and respect mutual differences in a diverse country. Travelling gave them a sense of tangibility to places that were only words. Amidst futile protestations of the forced reality of inter-mingling and commensality between castes or religions, social or economic considerations, they also experienced commonness, and indeed that of oneness — all of which kick-started the journey towards nationhood — sentiments ready to be harnessed by leaders of the freedom movement. Medium, mode, and methods When the Sepoy Mutiny descended on the EIC, barely four years after it introduced passenger services from Bombay to Thane in 1853, the nascent railway network fulfilled a primary defence objective by deploying military trains to move troops and weapons, and siege-trains for counter-attacks. This rebellion was quelled. It was only a matter of time when nationalists, fired by visions of a free India, took to the railways — not just as a mode to traverse long distances but also to appropriate it as a medium to resist, challenge, and liberate fellow citizens from colonial oppression. Between the 1857-Sepoy Mutiny and the 1920-Non-Cooperation Movement by Mahatma Gandhi, the rail network grew from 571.14 km to 59,119.25 km, connecting cities and hinterlands. The Crown, which sacked the EIC and took charge in 1858, continued expanding the railways (and education, and posts and telegraphs), making political mobilisation across distances possible. Not to be forgotten is the emergence of railways as an employer of vast numbers, thereby creating an organised labour force, admittedly at lower levels, resulting in frustrations, aspirations, and collective bargaining through trade unions, one of several entry points to public life for political leaders, and reservoirs for mass mobilisation. Although their demands were to do with working conditions these also gave, as G.D. Khosla characterises in his History of the Indian Railways, 'expression to the national upsurge' against an exploitative system catering to a foreign power. The period was also marked by several strikes not restricted to the railways nor fully connected to but alongside the Non-cooperation movement launched by Indian National Congress (INC). For Gandhiji, trains were the mode of travel through which he touched popular hearts and minds at a deep political and empathetic level through his journeys across the country in Third Class, thereby instilling an Indian identity. His explorations also exposed him first hand to specific conditions of hardship, such as those suffered by the indigo farmers in Champaran in Bihar, and the general poverty of India's commoners eking out subsistence lives. It was also during one such visit to Madurai (Madras Presidency, now Tamil Nadu) that he reportedly discarded the shirt as an attire, moved by the plight of the peasantry toiling in fields in loincloth and struggling for existence. The instrumentality of the railways as a medium of protest came in the form of both direct violent action and non-violent defiance. To the former category belonged the sabotaging of infrastructure — attempted derailments of trains carrying colonial rulers, tampering with tracks and permanent ways, and other acts of disruption. Defiance came in the form of ticketless travel, and meetings and other forms of protests at railway stations. Trains were also targets of armed attacks by extremists. On August 9, 1925, revolutionaries from the Hindustan Republican Association robbed a train as it was approaching its destination, Lucknow. A report of the Intelligence Bureau, Terrorism in India, 1917-1936, gives this account of the Kakori Train Robbery on August 9, 1925, edited for brevity: 'Having been successful in [earlier] crimes, the party aimed at bigger game…professional dacoits were enlisted, and a large party near Kakori ambushed a train, which three other members halted at the appointed place by pulling the chain. The guard was overpowered, the passengers were warned not to leave the train, and one passenger who alighted was promptly shot dead. A safe containing the earnings of various stations up the line was removed, and was later found broken open and rifled, the total loss being over Rs. 4,000.' Media reports that marked the centenary of this daring act placed the stolen booty at Rs. 8,000. An Avadh/Lucknow delicacy, the Kakori kebab, writes Chitrita Banerji in Eating India: Exploring a nation's cuisine, is supposed to commemorate this robbery. Railway platforms became places of whistle-stop darshans for nationalist leaders, in particular Mahatma Gandhi, as he traversed the country, again, on Third Class, except when he was unwell. The Father of the Nation was given rousing receptions at train stations, which would be sites of meeting and interacting with the masses. These wayside halts also enabled him to get a pulse of the people on important issues, for instance, Mohammed Ali Jinnah's demand for Pakistan. Stations also had a monetary dimension. While they served as venues for handing over purses comprising collections made at public meetings, they were also theatres where a financial battle of wits was played out: Ticketless travel, with the slogan, Mahatma Gandhi ki jai would rent the air as protesters filled in the coaches and set off on their travels. Financing the railways was yet another issue. As Christian Wolmar, author of Railways & the Raj: How the age of steam transformed India, points out, the matter of who paid for the railways 'aroused much anger among Indian nationalists, who saw them as unnecessary and serving to entrench British rule'. For its part, the INC's position on the railways was that of recognising its contribution but opposing how it was run, and, importantly, for whom. In its early petitioning phase, it saw the railways as an asset bestowed upon the country. However, as the nature of the party evolved to becoming a flag-bearer of freedom, it was critical of its exclusivist operations and expropriatory outcomes and called for greater inclusivity. When it launched the Quit India movement as 'the final struggle' (History of the Indian National Congress, Volume II), the railways, along with other state machinery, such as posts and telegraphs, and the police, were the target of protestors. These transcended non-violent means such as strikes and stoppages. 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The tumultuous years and the resultant transfer of power 'at the stroke of the midnight hour' on August 15, 1947, were the historic consequences and the final outcome for which Lords Dalhousie and Bentinck and their successors did not sign up.
NDTV
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