
Saudi warned Iran to reach nuclear deal with Trump or risk Israeli strike
Saudi Arabia's defence minister delivered a blunt message to Iranian officials in Tehran last month: take President Donald Trump's offer to negotiate a nuclear agreement seriously because it presents a way to avoid the risk of war with Israel.
Alarmed at the prospect of further instability in the region, Saudi Arabia's 89-year-old King Salman bin Abdulaziz dispatched his son, Prince Khalid bin Salman, with the warning destined for Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, according to two Gulf sources close to government circles and two Iranian officials.
Present at the closed-door meeting in Tehran, which took place on April 17 in the presidential compound, were Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, armed forces Chief of Staff Mohammad Bagheri and Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, the sources said.
While media covered the 37-year-old prince's visit, the content of the King Salman's covert message has not been previously reported.
Prince Khalid, who was Saudi ambassador to Washington during Trump's first term, warned Iranian officials that the U.S. leader has little patience for drawn-out negotiations, according to the four sources.
Trump had unexpectedly announced just over a week earlier that direct talks were taking place with Tehran, aimed at curbing Iran's nuclear programme in return for sanctions relief. He did so in the presence of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who had travelled to Washington hoping instead to win support for attacks on Iranian nuclear sites.
In Tehran, Prince Khalid told the group of senior Iranian officials that Trump's team would want to reach a deal quickly, and the window for diplomacy would close fast, according to the four sources.
The Saudi minister said it would be better to reach a deal with the U.S. than face the possibility of an Israeli attack if the talks broke down, according to the two Gulf sources.
He argued that the region - already riven by recent conflicts in Gaza and Lebanon - could not withstand a further escalation in tensions, said the two Gulf sources and one senior foreign diplomat familiar with the discussions.
Authorities in Saudi Arabia and Iran did not respond to requests for comment.
The visit by Prince Khalid - the younger brother of Crown Prince Mohamed Bin Salman - was the first by a senior member of the Saudi royal family to Iran in more than two decades. Riyadh and Tehran had long been bitter rivals, often backing opposing sides in proxy wars, until a rapprochement brokered by China in 2023 helped to ease the tensions and restored diplomatic ties.
Over the past two years, Iran's regional position has been undermined by heavy military blows inflicted by Israel on its allies Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, and toppling of its close ally, Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. Western sanctions, meanwhile, have hit its oil-dependent economy hard.
Mohanad Hage Ali, an expert on Iran at the Carnegie Middle East Center think tank in Beirut, said that Tehran's weakness had offered Saudi Arabia the opportunity to exert its diplomatic influence, seeking to avoid a regional conflagration.
"They want to avoid war because war and confrontation with Iran will have negative implications on them and their economic vision and ambitions," he told Reuters.
Reuters was unable to determine the impact of the prince's message on Iran's leadership.
In the meeting, Pezeshkian responded that Iran wanted a deal to ease economic pressure through the lifting of Western sanctions, the four sources said.
However, the Iranian officials, the sources added, expressed concerns over the Trump administration's "unpredictable" approach to negotiations — which have veered from allowing limited uranium enrichment to demanding the complete dismantling of Tehran's enrichment program.
Trump also has threatened to use military force if diplomacy fails to rein in the clerical establishment's nuclear ambitions.
One of the Iranian sources said that Pezeshkian emphasized Tehran's eagerness to reach a deal but that Iran was not willing to sacrifice its enrichment program just because Trump wanted an agreement.
The ongoing talks between Washington and Tehran have already been through five rounds to resolve the decades-long nuclear dispute, but multiple stumbling blocks remain, including the key issue of enrichment.
Reuters reported on Wednesday that Iran might pause uranium enrichment if the U.S. releases its frozen funds and recognises its right to refine uranium for civilian use under a "political deal" that could lead to a broader nuclear accord, according to two Iranian sources familiar with the talks. The semi-official Fars news agency in Iran quoted a foreign ministry spokesman denying the report.
The White House did not directly address Reuters' questions about whether it was aware of the Saudi warning to Iran.
"President Trump has made it clear: make a deal, or face grave consequences, and the whole world is clearly taking him seriously, as they should," White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement.
Trump said on Wednesday he warned Netanyahu last week not to take any actions that could disrupt nuclear talks with Iran, and said the two sides were "very close to a solution now".
Israeli authorities did not respond to a request for comment.
A four-day visit by Trump to the Gulf this month annointed Saudi Arabia as the most prominent member of a new axis of Sunni states in the Middle East, filling the void left by Iran's shattered alliance. During the trip, Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed Bin Salman mediated a reconciliation between Trump and Syria's new Sunni leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa.
Tehran's regional sway, meanwhile, has been diminished by military setbacks suffered by Iran and its allies in the Shi'ite-dominated Axis of Resistance, which include Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis in Yemen, and Iraqi militias
In the meeting, Prince Khalid urged Iran to rethink its regional policy, noting such a shift would be welcomed, especially by Riyadh, the sources said.
Although he stopped short of directly blaming Iran, the Saudi minister voiced concern over a possible repeat of the 2019 drone attacks on the facilities of state oil company Aramco - attacks the kingdom attributed to Iran and its Houthi allies, despite Tehran's denial.
Iranian officials maintained that while Tehran holds some influence over the Houthis, it does not fully control their actions, the Iranian sources said.
Decades of hostility between the Shi'ite Iran and Saudi Arabia destabilised the Gulf and fuelled regional conflicts from Yemen to Syria. The 2023 detente was driven in part by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed's economic ambitions and desire for stability, and has led to increased contacts between the governments.
However, neither Saudi Arabia nor other regional powers see Iran as a dependable partner for peace and they fear its actions could jeopardize their ambitions for economic development, diplomats and regional experts say.
Prince Khalid implored the Iranians to avoid actions by them and their allies that might provoke Washington, stressing that Trump's response would likely be more strident than his predecessors, presidents Joe Biden and Barak Obama.
In turn, he assured Tehran that Riyadh would not let its territory or airspace to be used by the United States or Israel for any potential military action against Iran, the sources said.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
UK sanctions must target roots of settler violence - starting with Smotrich and Ben Gvir
In Israel, there is an infamous metaphor known as "mowing the grass". Like many other terms used by the state, it is a horrific and dehumanising phrase that refers to Israel's longstanding practice of regular, short, sharp bombardments of Gaza in order to 'keep Palestinians in their place'. It's used openly by Israeli politicians and military figures who see Palestinian civilians either as collateral damage, or as part of the "lawn" themselves. Nowadays, it feels a bit dated, considering how Israel's current genocide in Gaza dwarfs the bombardments that preceded it. The grass is no longer mowed; now it's scorched earth. But last week, when the UK government issued a new round of settler sanctions for three individuals and four entities in the occupied West Bank, I thought not of lawns, but of weeds. These sanctions are trimming the branches instead of digging out the roots. It's the same thing I thought when piecemeal sanctions packages were announced last year, in February, May and October. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Sanctioning a few individuals and entities won't even begin to scratch the surface - not while extremist senior Israeli ministers are calling for an unprecedented expansion of illegal settlements. National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich are the grand architects of the current wave of illegal settlement expansion. Sanctions must target them to begin to affect change, not just an unhinged interviewee on the latest Louis Theroux documentary. And even then, that would simply be the first step. More than half a century of illegal occupation will not miraculously end with a change of Israeli government. Pervasive violence Sanctions must target the architects because of how pervasive settlement violence is. Last month, I took a delegation of British MPs to the West Bank so they could see the day-to-day realities of occupation - from refugee camp clearances in Tulkarm in the north, all the way down to settler violence in the villages of Masafer Yatta in the south. There are countless emotions I could recall: the shock of being spat at in Jerusalem for wearing a crucifix, the fear of being pulled over at gunpoint in Hebron, and the awe-inspiring bravery, hope and tenacity that Palestinian refugees in Tulkarm showed, even as they spoke of being displaced from the refugee camps where their families had lived since the Nakba. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war I could talk at length about all these experiences, but most chilling of all was simply the degree to which settlers and soldiers seemed to work in collaboration; the total air of impunity with which settlers swaggered around, perversely relishing the task of dispossessing indigenous people. The first such example we witnessed was in Susiya, a Palestinian village in Masafer Yatta that was expropriated by Israel in 1986, its Palestinian residents expelled. Today, only a small community of steadfast Palestinians remain there. Settler terrorism: Palestinians are becoming prisoners in their own homeland Read More » Our delegation in Susiya was surrounded by illegal Israeli settlers wearing militia-style body armour, and armed to the teeth with assault rifles and clubs. They were clearly there to intimidate. Two Israeli soldiers arrived at the scene and began laughing and joking with the settlers. It wasn't just that they were unconcerned with what the settlers were doing; they appeared to be actively enjoying the show. As they stood side-by-side - casually wielding their weapons, and wearing camouflage Kevlar jackets adorned with Israeli flags - it was suddenly very clear how blurred the lines of power and authority were. Distinguishing between settler violence and state violence feels like semantics in such a situation. We saw this impunity again in Hebron, as we were having lunch with a Palestinian human rights defender on his patio, bordered by metal fences with security cameras. Their usefulness was proven immediately, when two settlers came up to the fence and started shouting at our host: 'How much is your house?' When he said it wasn't for sale, they replied: 'It doesn't matter, we're going to buy it anyway.' They went on to insult Islam, and said that all Arabs needed to leave. Asked why, they simply replied: 'Because God gave us this land.' Metres away, Israeli soldiers looked on listlessly. Digging out the roots This is by no means an exhaustive account, even for the short week or so that I was there. In Jerusalem, I saw a settler strolling around the crowded market streets, surrounded by his children, while holding his assault rifle casually, pointed down in their direction. I contemplated how strange it was to encounter someone who clearly gains such satisfaction from provoking fear in others, and thought about what might be said from a sociological perspective about a society that produces so many people of this disposition. These settlers are pawns in a grand political vision that repudiates morality while laying claim to it But targeting each settler individually is not going to make any real difference. It is precisely such light-touch approaches that have enabled a settler-colonial, apartheid system to persist for more than half a century. Settlers can act this way only because they are emboldened by the extremist rhetoric of their leaders and the actions of soldiers. It is in this collaboration that the beating heart of the settler-colonial, apartheid system lies. Each time Ben Gvir storms Al-Aqsa compound with his settlers, each time Smotrich calls for a Palestinian village to be 'erased', it's fuel for extremist settlers as they cultivate their burning hatred of Palestinians. These settlers are pawns in a grand political vision that repudiates morality while laying claim to it. Instead of piecemeal sanctions, the only solution is to tackle the problem at its source; to dig out the roots, and sanction the ministers responsible for orchestrating this nightmare. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.


Khaleej Times
3 hours ago
- Khaleej Times
'I am NOT taking drugs!' Musk denies damning report
Elon Musk on Saturday denied a report that he used ketamine and other drugs extensively last year on the 2024 campaign trail. The New York Times reported Friday that the billionaire adviser to President Donald Trump used so much ketamine, a powerful anesthetic, that he developed bladder problems. The newspaper said the world's richest person also took ecstasy and mushrooms and traveled with a pill box last year, adding that it was not known whether Musk also took drugs while heading the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) after Trump took power in January. In a post Saturday on X, Musk said: "To be clear, I am NOT taking drugs! The New York Times was lying their ass off." He added: "I tried 'prescription' ketamine a few years ago and said so on X, so this not even news. It helps for getting out of dark mental holes, but haven't taken it since then." Musk first dodged a question about his drug use at a bizarre farewell appearance Friday with Trump in the Oval Office in which the Tesla and SpaceX boss sported a noticeable black eye as he formally ended his role as Trump's main cost-cutter at DOGE, which fired tens of thousands of civil servants. News of the injury drew substantial attention as it came right after the Times report on his alleged drug use. The daily recalled erratic behavior such as Musk giving an enthusiastic Nazi-style salute in January of this year at a rally celebrating Trump's inauguration. Musk said he got the injury while horsing around with his young son, named X, when he told the child to hit him in the face. "And he did. Turns out even a five-year-old punching you in the face actually is..." he added, before tailing off. Later Friday, when a reporter asked Trump if he was aware of Musk's "regular drug use," Trump responded: "I wasn't." "I think Elon is a fantastic guy," he added.


Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
'I came to get a sack of flour … a sardine tin or anything,' : Aid site attack witnesses
Mahmoud Ismael was one of the desperate Palestinian aid seekers who gathered outside the GHF- run Rafah aid distribution point before Israeli quadcopters and tanks fired on them. He had walked miles on crutches to get there. 'I came to get a sack of flour … a sardine tin or anything,' he told AFP. 'There is no food in my house, and I can't get food for my children,' he said. Sameh Hamuda walked from Gaza City and spent the night with relatives in a tent near Rafah before heading to the aid point. 'They began distributing aid, but suddenly quadcopter drones opened fire on the people, and tanks started shooting heavily. Several people were killed right in front of me,' he told the AFP news agency. 'I ran and survived. Death follows you as long as you're in Gaza.' " I don't understand why they call people to the aid centres and then open fire on them,' he said. 'What are we supposed to do?' Abdullah Barbakh said.