
The silence that screams: How the NC is failing the very people it once claimed to represent
Mudasir Dar is a social and peace activist based in South Kashmir. He is a Rashtrapati Award recipient in world scouting and has contributed to many local and national publications on a diverse range of topics, including national security, politics, governance, peace, and conflict. LESS ... MORE
In the political history of Jammu and Kashmir, there have been many moments that demanded dignity over debate, empathy over ego, and leadership over opportunism. The aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack was one such moment — a moment where tragedy met humanity, and where the institution of governance was expected to rise above political calculations. It did. But what followed from the political opposition, particularly the National Conference (NC), was a masterclass in how to squander moral capital for the sake of momentary noise.
Syed Adil Hussain Shah, a young ponywallah from Hapatnar in South Kashmir, was not a figure of power or prestige. He was an ordinary man whose final act was one of extraordinary courage. When terrorists struck in Pahalgam this April, Adil tried to shield a group of tourists. In doing so, he lost his life. His death could have remained another statistic in a region too familiar with conflict. But something different happened.
On June 14, lieutenant governor Manoj Sinha made an uncommon visit to Adils family, stepping well outside routine protocol. He did not stop at offering hollow condolences or posing for cameras. Instead, he used his own discretionary authority to promise Adils widow, Gulnaz Akhter, a government job through the Jammu and Kashmir Rehabilitation Assistance Scheme. It was a generous move, since Gulnaz had yet to meet the formal educational rules for the position. However, the LG, moved by the magnitude of the familys sacrifice and the tragic context, placed human need far ahead of rigid paperwork.
It was a moment when governance showed it still had a heartbeat. Yet, rather than rallying behind the gesture or even nodding at its meaning, the National Conference chose to respond with jittery suspicion and cheap party jabs. NC spokesman Tanvir Sadiq fired off a tweet wondering whether the lieutenant governors off-the-cuff promise in south Kashmir was now being undermined by his own office. In both timing and tone, the tweet looked less like a search for clarity and more like a slick, if desperate, bid to grab back a political story that had already slipped through the partys fingers.
What the NC fails to realise is that such acts of pettiness are no longer viewed in isolation. They are read as part of a deeper crisis of relevance — a party that once symbolised regional aspiration is now seen as clinging to performative opposition, unable to digest that delivery and governance are now taking precedence over slogans and symbolism. Instead of standing with Adil's grieving family, the NC chose to question the integrity of an administrative act that they themselves failed to undertake when it was their responsibility to lead.
After the Pahalgam attack, the NC had issued elaborate statements, condemning the act of terror and pledging support to the victims. But those words vanished into the ether. There was no institutional outreach to the bereaved families, no efforts at rehabilitation, and no show of empathy beyond the camera flash. In the absence of state action from elected representatives, it was the Lieutenant Governor's office — often portrayed by NC as a distant authority — that responded with immediacy, compassion, and discretion.
That is the real reason the NC feels so uneasy. For decades, the party shaped almost all local stories about who suffered and what identity meant. Now that those stories are facing practical policies and a calmer, post-partisan kindness, the solid ground they assumed was theirs is cracking. Rather than ask why they've been out-manoeuvred politically and out-brightened morally, they fall back on the easiest move-questions, tweets, and quiet sabotage.
It is also not lost on the people of Jammu and Kashmir that the NC, since forming the government after the 2024 elections, has presided over a visible administrative breakdown. From power shortages to water scarcity, from dysfunctional municipal services to recurring protests in Jammu, the people are not seeing the delivery they were promised. These are not abstract policy gaps; these are lived, daily failures. While the NC leadership tweets in outrage, Jammu and Kashmir continues to reel under electricity cuts, Water shortage and unfulfilled promises.
The contrast becomes painfully evident when juxtaposed with LG's handling of the Adil Hussain case. While the ruling party was absent, the unelected executive did the work of a public representative. It wasn't political strategy; it was a sense of institutional duty. And that shift — from old-style rhetorical politics to a results-oriented administrative culture — is precisely what is unsettling parties like the NC.
Besides, the meaning behind the LG's visit is hard to overlook. A Hindu lieutenant governor from Uttar Pradesh stood in the small house of a Muslim ponywallah from south Kashmir, mourning his death and honouring his bravery. Whether planned or not, that gesture pushed back against long-standing accusations that the Indian state treats Kashmiris as less-than-human. The sight itself, simple yet forceful, mattered far more than a hundred official notes. It was governance using a word people understand: presence.
When the NC twists this into a mere party debate, it shrinks a serious moment into just another score-settling exercise. The matter at hand is far bigger than handing one person a government post. It tests our ability as a society to see real sacrifice and honour it without slapping on a political filter first. It asks whether a government can meet public sorrow not with cold distance, but with open arms and genuine inclusion.
Let it be recorded with clarity: when Adil Hussain Shah gave his life trying to save tourists in a place too often visited by death, it was not the elected government that stood by his family. It was not the political party that claims to speak for every Kashmiri. It was an act from the Raj Bhavan that affirmed dignity over delay, justice over jargon.
In history, what matters is not what is tweeted in frustration but what is done with conviction. And no matter how hard the NC tries to reclaim this moment, the truth remains: they watched. Others acted. And in that truth lies the starkest contrast of all.
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Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
Everything comes with expiry date: CM Omar Abdullah on statehood for J&K
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel J&K chief minister Omar Abdullah on Monday said that everything comes with an expiry date and so does his patience with the current form of dual power control in the Union Territory. During an interaction at ET Roundtable in New Delhi, Abdullah said it took him sometime to figure out how things work as he couldn't have started on an aggressive mode right from the beginning."Fact is, today there are two governments in J&K, which shouldn't be the case... It is the worst form of governance... You don't come in and straight away start firing, it takes time to figure out how things work," said Abdullah, adding, "I am not given to threats as that is not in my nature. But let me tell you that everything comes with an expiry date. If I was to give you a date here (about the expiry of the patience of his government) it would sound like a threat." He said that for now, he is not on the firing mode, but will call a spade a spade."The lieutenant governor has recently claimed that he doesn't dabble in anything but law and order and security. The fact is, he does dabble in governance-related matters. He lays foundations of factories in industrial estates managed by the elected government. He distributes job orders prepared by departments managed by the elected government. There are areas where the boundaries are blurred," said the LG is serious about his statements that his role is limited to law and order and security and nothing else, then he should endorse and approve the business rules prepared by the Cabinet of the elected government. "Business rules that we have framed are entirely within the domain of the J&K Reorganisation Act. They don't step beyond its boundary even though we don't agree with the Act. We have not sought to infringe upon the LG's powers on law and order, security and transfer of IAS and IPS officers," said Abdullah adding, "We just want to ensure that distribution of responsibilities is clear cut and there is no confusion."Abdullah said the LG's assertion that only security and law and order is his responsibility is a way of tacitly admitting that Pahalgam perhaps was a failure on his part. "Pahalgam happened under his watch and it seems that is his way of putting his hand down," said CM said he himself was certainly not responsible for the Pahalgam attack in any way, but hinted that the reaction would have been different if he was incharge."I am not sure the reaction would have been as muted if I had been responsible for security and law and order, but that's where politics comes into play," said Abdullah. He said Pahalgam gave a rude awakening that such attacks were not just part of the dark past of J&K, but part of our current reality as well."People were shocked, angered and disappointed because of the Pahalgam attack but don't mistake people's anger against Pahalgam as an endorsement to what happened on August 5, 2019," said the Opposition Congress expressing reservations on the transparency of elections and electronic voting machines , Abdullah said, "It is not something the INDIA bloc has discussed or debated. This is a discussion Congress is having internally. Unfortunately, since the conclusion of the parliamentary elections last year INDIA bloc has not met. We last met at Kharge sahib's house immediately after the parliamentary elections results. We haven't had any conversations after that." He said he doesn't share or endorse Congress' point of view on election results "simply because I am not given to making excuses for things that I don't succeed at. If I have a problem with the election results, then I need to have it when I win as well. My party did better than we expected in the last assembly elections in October," said Abdullah, adding, "Now, if the government wanted to fiddle with these elections and take away a handful of seats from me and may have given it to Altaf Bukhari or somebody like him, would you have really thought of it as daylight robbery? You guys would have thought of it as division of votes.""INDIA bloc performs a very important role, but we are not sure whether that role is limited to fighting general elections or for some amount of coordination in Parliament or is it supposed to guide us through the five years between the two parliament elections?" said Abdullah. He said the NDA seems to have more meetings than the INDIA bloc. "Just surprising, as NDA otherwise never had meetings in the past."


Time of India
5 hours ago
- Time of India
The silence that screams: How the NC is failing the very people it once claimed to represent
Mudasir Dar is a social and peace activist based in South Kashmir. He is a Rashtrapati Award recipient in world scouting and has contributed to many local and national publications on a diverse range of topics, including national security, politics, governance, peace, and conflict. LESS ... MORE In the political history of Jammu and Kashmir, there have been many moments that demanded dignity over debate, empathy over ego, and leadership over opportunism. The aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack was one such moment — a moment where tragedy met humanity, and where the institution of governance was expected to rise above political calculations. It did. But what followed from the political opposition, particularly the National Conference (NC), was a masterclass in how to squander moral capital for the sake of momentary noise. Syed Adil Hussain Shah, a young ponywallah from Hapatnar in South Kashmir, was not a figure of power or prestige. He was an ordinary man whose final act was one of extraordinary courage. When terrorists struck in Pahalgam this April, Adil tried to shield a group of tourists. In doing so, he lost his life. His death could have remained another statistic in a region too familiar with conflict. But something different happened. On June 14, lieutenant governor Manoj Sinha made an uncommon visit to Adils family, stepping well outside routine protocol. He did not stop at offering hollow condolences or posing for cameras. Instead, he used his own discretionary authority to promise Adils widow, Gulnaz Akhter, a government job through the Jammu and Kashmir Rehabilitation Assistance Scheme. It was a generous move, since Gulnaz had yet to meet the formal educational rules for the position. However, the LG, moved by the magnitude of the familys sacrifice and the tragic context, placed human need far ahead of rigid paperwork. It was a moment when governance showed it still had a heartbeat. Yet, rather than rallying behind the gesture or even nodding at its meaning, the National Conference chose to respond with jittery suspicion and cheap party jabs. NC spokesman Tanvir Sadiq fired off a tweet wondering whether the lieutenant governors off-the-cuff promise in south Kashmir was now being undermined by his own office. In both timing and tone, the tweet looked less like a search for clarity and more like a slick, if desperate, bid to grab back a political story that had already slipped through the partys fingers. What the NC fails to realise is that such acts of pettiness are no longer viewed in isolation. They are read as part of a deeper crisis of relevance — a party that once symbolised regional aspiration is now seen as clinging to performative opposition, unable to digest that delivery and governance are now taking precedence over slogans and symbolism. Instead of standing with Adil's grieving family, the NC chose to question the integrity of an administrative act that they themselves failed to undertake when it was their responsibility to lead. After the Pahalgam attack, the NC had issued elaborate statements, condemning the act of terror and pledging support to the victims. But those words vanished into the ether. There was no institutional outreach to the bereaved families, no efforts at rehabilitation, and no show of empathy beyond the camera flash. In the absence of state action from elected representatives, it was the Lieutenant Governor's office — often portrayed by NC as a distant authority — that responded with immediacy, compassion, and discretion. That is the real reason the NC feels so uneasy. For decades, the party shaped almost all local stories about who suffered and what identity meant. Now that those stories are facing practical policies and a calmer, post-partisan kindness, the solid ground they assumed was theirs is cracking. Rather than ask why they've been out-manoeuvred politically and out-brightened morally, they fall back on the easiest move-questions, tweets, and quiet sabotage. It is also not lost on the people of Jammu and Kashmir that the NC, since forming the government after the 2024 elections, has presided over a visible administrative breakdown. From power shortages to water scarcity, from dysfunctional municipal services to recurring protests in Jammu, the people are not seeing the delivery they were promised. These are not abstract policy gaps; these are lived, daily failures. While the NC leadership tweets in outrage, Jammu and Kashmir continues to reel under electricity cuts, Water shortage and unfulfilled promises. The contrast becomes painfully evident when juxtaposed with LG's handling of the Adil Hussain case. While the ruling party was absent, the unelected executive did the work of a public representative. It wasn't political strategy; it was a sense of institutional duty. And that shift — from old-style rhetorical politics to a results-oriented administrative culture — is precisely what is unsettling parties like the NC. Besides, the meaning behind the LG's visit is hard to overlook. A Hindu lieutenant governor from Uttar Pradesh stood in the small house of a Muslim ponywallah from south Kashmir, mourning his death and honouring his bravery. Whether planned or not, that gesture pushed back against long-standing accusations that the Indian state treats Kashmiris as less-than-human. The sight itself, simple yet forceful, mattered far more than a hundred official notes. It was governance using a word people understand: presence. When the NC twists this into a mere party debate, it shrinks a serious moment into just another score-settling exercise. The matter at hand is far bigger than handing one person a government post. It tests our ability as a society to see real sacrifice and honour it without slapping on a political filter first. It asks whether a government can meet public sorrow not with cold distance, but with open arms and genuine inclusion. Let it be recorded with clarity: when Adil Hussain Shah gave his life trying to save tourists in a place too often visited by death, it was not the elected government that stood by his family. It was not the political party that claims to speak for every Kashmiri. It was an act from the Raj Bhavan that affirmed dignity over delay, justice over jargon. In history, what matters is not what is tweeted in frustration but what is done with conviction. And no matter how hard the NC tries to reclaim this moment, the truth remains: they watched. Others acted. And in that truth lies the starkest contrast of all. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.


India Gazette
8 hours ago
- India Gazette
Any terrorist attack in J-K will be considered as act of war: Manoj Sinha warns Pakistan
Udhampur (Jammu and Kashmir) [India], June 16 (ANI): Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha on Monday asserted that any terrorist attack in the state will now be treated as an act of war,' which is a tougher approach towards cross-border terrorism. Manoj Sinha was speaking during the passing-out parade of the 17th Batch of Deputy Superintendents of Police (DySPs) and the 26th Batch of Police Sub-Inspectors (PSIs) at the Sher-e-Kashmir Police Academy (SKPA) in Udhampur. A total of 50 probationary DySPs and 1,112 probationary PSIs graduated, marking the first batch to complete training under India's newly implemented criminal laws. The oath-taking ceremony was witnessed by J&K Director General of Police (DGP) Nalin Prabhat and Additional DGP (Director SKPA) Garib Dass. Addressing the new inductees, LG Sinha showed faith that they could serve the country with commitment. 'I am sure these courageous officers will maintain the honour of the Jammu and Kashmir Police and serve Maa Bharati with pride,' he stated. Stressing their responsibility, he asked them to uphold law and order, safeguard people, and keep their guard up against danger. Tapping the spiritual teachings for inspiration, Sinha urged the officers to draw strength from faith in the face of adversity. 'Our great saints referred to you as 'Shoorveer' (warriors)--you need to protect society from forces of evil,' he stated. Sinha complimented the recruits on their strenuous training, which consisted of Army and other security forces' training along with specialised modules on the fresh criminal laws. The LG underlined the changing dynamics of threats, especially cybercrimes, hacking, online fraud, and dark web operations, which have revolutionised conventional crime trends. 'The modus operandi of criminals has shifted with technology, and J&K Police need to change quickly,' he added. In spite of these challenges, he praised the force for its constant battle against terrorism, recognising the highest sacrifices offered by personnel in the line of duty. Reaffirming the zero-tolerance policy of the government, Sinha said that eradicating terrorism is the priority. Taking cue from recent operations - the April 22 Pahalgam attack and Operation Sindoor - he said that India has sent a strong message to Pakistan and its sponsored terrorists.'We have given them a lesson, he added. LG asserted that any next terrorist strike in J&K would be considered an 'act of war,' which would mean a bolder military and strategic intervention. This is what comes with India's increasingly complex approach towards cross-border terrorism, and is a possible change in counter-terrorism policy. The passing-out parade signifies an important milestone in making J&K's police force stronger and better equipped with contemporary combat training, legal acumen, and counter-terror methodologies to meet conventional and new-age challenges. By getting this fresh batch of officers, the administration hopes to reinforce security and provide tranquillity to the region, despite the ongoing challenges. (ANI)