Whiteness, Trekking and the Spectacle of Persecution
Why are white Afrikaners framed as victims while brown-skinned refugees face harsh realities? Gillian Schutte delves into the complexities of race, migration, and historical narratives in the context of Donald Trump's refugee policy.
Image: Saul Loeb / AFP
By Gillian Schutte
When Donald Trump offered refugee status to white South Africans, it became clear that whiteness still honours its own kin — globally, psychically, and politically. While brown-skinned refugees are shackled, deported, and held without trial in desert jails, Afrikaners were framed as the persecuted. Trump spoke of 'genocide' against farmers and dispatched America's welcome. The spectacle was complete — a rerun of old scripts in which the settler becomes the victim and the empire opens its gates not to the wretched of the earth, but to the discomforted custodians of colonial memory.
They left with visas, suitcases, and nostalgia — a motley procession of pilgrims fleeing transformation. They cited crime, collapse, and instability. But beneath these explanations lies the deeper reason. The mirror of post-apartheid South Africa reflects something too sharp to bear — the end of centre-stage whiteness. The erosion of assumed status. And so they trek again.
This is not the Great Trek of wagons and rifles. It is the soft trek of displaced entitlement. No fanfare. No anthem. Just the silent movement of whiteness away from discomfort and toward reabsorption into a global order that still centres it. The United States, itself built on the sacred blood of stolen land, provided the perfect terrain for this next trek. Trump's offer was more than a policy. It was sanctuary in sameness. Whiteness recognising itself in the face of dislocation, and offering a way back into its fold.
But there is no trek without violence.
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Next
Stay
Close ✕
History has recorded this. My own lineage traces back to some of its early architects. Tjaart van der Walt, my ancestral uncle, moved into the Karoo and Eastern Cape interior during the frontier wars — into territories inhabited by the amaXhosa, the Khoekhoe, and the !Ora. There, land was seized, cultures were obliterated, and the rhetoric of civilisation marched hand-in-hand with brutality. My great-grandparents, Johan Pieter van der Walt and Hester Venter, were not warriors, but engineers of the white spiritual code. They helped build the first Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Middelburg — a sanctified laager in which Blackness was cast outside of God's favour, and land theft was moralised into divine instruction.
This kind of history does not dissolve with migration. It travels. It informs the body, the posture, the speech. When Afrikaners claim refugee status, they are not only crossing borders — they are carrying a legacy of dominance that has never been publicly mourned. Psychoanalysis tells us that what is unprocessed festers. And so the guilt that was never named becomes projected as threat. The former beneficiary recasts themselves as the hunted. The discomfort of equality is rebranded as persecution.
Hermann Giliomee maps this psychic architecture in The Afrikaners: Biography of a People. He writes of the laager mentality — the encircling of identity in times of perceived threat. He shows how Afrikaner nationalism was forged through a blend of Calvinist chosenness and settler trauma. Always chosen. Always suffering. Even in power. Especially in power.
What is taking place now is another encircling. A soft siege. Except this time, it's not around a farm or church or town. It is around the idea of whiteness itself — its right to exist unchallenged. America becomes the next laager. Its conservative suburbs, evangelical churches, and racial hierarchies offer a new enclosure in which whiteness can breathe freely again — untroubled by questions of land, labour, or history.
But there is always an outside to the laager. And it is always marked.
While white South Africans are welcomed as 'refugees,' brown-skinned men with tattoos — many fleeing gang violence in Central America — are deposited into holding cells, criminalised before they speak, assumed guilty by skin and story. Their claim to safety is questioned. Their identity is scrutinised. They are reminders of how refuge is racialised. How the gates of the empire swing open only for those who mirror its founding myth.
The Afrikaner trek to America is not a neutral act. It participates in this economy of racial privilege. It reinforces the idea that some displacements matter more than others. That some pasts deserve asylum, while others are punished into silence.
And yet, those who trek now speak in hushed, melancholic tones. Their language is grief-coated, but the grief is for the fading of supremacy, not for the lives lost in its service. They mourn a world that no longer bends toward them. They carry a sadness born of de-centering.
This melancholia is not harmless. It turns outward. It becomes anger. Projection. Myth. The 'farm murder' narrative, inflated beyond statistical reality, becomes a global meme — a rallying cry for white preservationists across continents. It is the displaced guilt of colonial violence, returning as spectacle.
And the violence continues — quiet, bureaucratic, and structural. Every place granted to a white South African refugee is a place denied to someone fleeing genuine structural abandonment. Every narrative of 'Christian family values' masks another that is censored. Every visa is a decision about who is seen, and who is discarded.
There is always blood in the trek. Always violence in the story of movement when whiteness seeks safety in sameness. This migration is not a rupture from history — it is its continuation by other means.
The Afrikaner arrival in America will be welcomed, prayed over, and celebrated in spaces that still refuse to name conquest. But the ghosts will arrive too. The land does not forget. The unconscious does not release what has been buried. And eventually, even the trek loses its holiness.
Because without truth, the journey is just repetition. A looping spectacle of evasion dressed up as exile.
Why are white Afrikaners framed as victims while brown-skinned refugees face harsh realities? Gillian Schutte delves into the complexities of race, migration, and historical narratives in the context of Donald Trump's refugee policy.
Image: IOL
* Gillian Schutte is a South African writer, filmmaker, and critical-race scholar known for her radical critiques of neoliberalism, whiteness, and donor-driven media. Her work centres African liberation, social justice, and revolutionary thought.
** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
3 hours ago
- IOL News
Kursk Under Fire, Truth Under Siege
By Gillian Schutte On 5 June 2025, I attended the Russian-hosted international online press symposium titled 'Liberation of Kursk Region', a teleconference convened to present first-hand accounts, evidence, and legal testimony on the attacks carried out by the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) and foreign mercenaries during incursions into the Kursk Region. It was a sobering exercise in counter-memory — one that exposed the ideological filters through which Western media interprets war, and how it strategically erases certain kinds of suffering. The event brought together a panel of experts, eyewitnesses, and officials to report on the nature of these violations. Each presentation revealed both the physical damage inflicted on the Russian civilian population, as well as the deeper injury of denial — a refusal by the Western bloc to recognise the legitimacy of Russian civilian grief. The eyewitness accounts shared by three Kurskites were harrowing. One described watching elderly neighbours die when their home was shelled. Another spoke of civilians being shot at close range. A third, fighting tears, recounted the rape of women during the brief occupation of their village. These testimonies were the lived memories of war and trauma, delivered with quiet devastation. Rodion Miroshnik, Ambassador-at-Large of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, provided a comprehensive briefing on what Russia identifies as crimes committed by the Kiev regime. He detailed the shelling of border villages, destruction of non-military infrastructure, use of foreign mercenaries, and the discovery of banned Western-supplied munitions, including cluster bombs and white phosphorus, in civilian zones. Miroshnik cited ongoing investigations by the Russian Investigative Committee into violations of international humanitarian law — all allegedly ignored by the institutions tasked with upholding these laws. According to Miroshnik, several communities in the Kursk Region suffered not only bombardment but were also subject to brief occupations by AFU-aligned forces. During these episodes, civilians were reportedly displaced, forcibly taken into Ukrainian territory, and subjected to psychological trauma. Families returning to liberated areas faced destroyed homes, contaminated land, and unexploded ordnance, with little to no humanitarian intervention from the international community. Igor Kashin, Head of the Special Projects Department in the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, presented a legal analysis of these findings. His tone was forensic. He itemised the breaches of the Geneva Conventions and other international protocols, explaining how evidence had been submitted to various global institutions — including the UN and the ICC — yet no meaningful action had followed. Olga Kiriy, a Russian filmmaker and documentarian, delivered a visual account of the devastation. Her footage showed razed schools, burning residential blocks, and civilians returning to ghost towns, still wearing the shock of war on their faces. In one of her documentaries she shows a Ukranian soldier admitting to the rape of women by himself and his unit. Her presentation conveyed what words could not: the raw aftermath of military violence on people who remain unseen and unspoken in the official Western narrative of the conflict. Ivan Konovalov, military analyst and historian, contextualised the attacks on Kursk within a broader framework. He explained that the AFU operations were tactical provocations — designed to destabilise border regions and provoke retaliation, which could then be framed by NATO-aligned media as further proof of Russian aggression. He pointed out that these attacks coincided with deliveries of new Western weaponry to Ukraine, raising serious questions about the complicity of foreign governments and arms manufacturers. The testimonies shared during the teleconference dismantled the binary framework imposed by Western media, where Ukraine is valorised as a struggling democracy and Russia is reduced to a caricature. The reality conveyed by the speakers was more complex and far more disturbing. Russia, too, has civilians. Its towns and villages are not abstract zones on a geopolitical map but home to people who have suffered death, displacement, and the terror of war. Yet these accounts are absent from global headlines. They are not debated in parliaments, nor dissected on primetime panels. Instead, they are swiftly relegated to the realm of 'disinformation' — a catch-all term used by liberal institutions to shut down inconvenient truths. This is the machinery of narrative warfare — where facts are not weighed for their truth, but for their utility to power. The West's information order sustains itself through omission, selective moral outrage, and the assumption that some lives matter more than others. As a South African journalist who has long documented structural injustice, I recognise this silencing. It follows a pattern familiar to the Global South — where international law is invoked as a weapon rather than a principle; where invasions by Western powers are called interventions, but defensive operations by others are framed as crimes; and where victims must pass ideological litmus tests before they are deemed worthy of empathy. The suffering in the Kursk Region demands recognition. The use of banned munitions against civilians, the forced displacement of families, and the destruction of non-military infrastructure all constitute grave breaches of international law. That these acts are committed using Western weapons, under the cover of Western media silence, reveals a moral crisis at the heart of the liberal order. The conference was more than a forum for Russian voices. It was a reminder that truth is not owned by the powerful. It must be spoken even when it is buried. The people of Kursk have lived through war. They have returned to broken homes and haunted fields. Their testimonies exist. Their pain is real. And their silence is manufactured by design. If the term 'liberation' is to have meaning, it must include liberation from the monopolies that determine whose pain is legitimate. It must disrupt the asymmetry of grief that defines the West's geopolitical posture. We owe that to the people of Kursk. We owe it to all communities whose trauma is edited out of history to suit imperial narratives. And we owe it to ourselves, if we are to resist becoming complicit in the global machinery of selective justice. *Gillian Schutte is a South African writer, filmmaker, and critical-race scholar known for her radical critiques of neoliberalism, whiteness, and donor-driven media. Her work centres African liberation, social justice, and revolutionary thought. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.


Eyewitness News
4 hours ago
- Eyewitness News
'Return to your country' Kabul tells Afghans rebuffed by Washington
KABUL, Afghanistan - The Taliban government on Saturday urged Afghans hoping to emigrate to the United States to instead return to Afghanistan, after Washington tightened entry conditions. US President Donald Trump this week announced a travel ban targeting 12 countries, including Afghanistan, which his proclamation said lacked "competent" central authorities for processing passports and vetting. Commenting on the ban on Saturday, Prime Minister Hassan Akhund urged Afghans to return to their country, saying they would be protected even if they worked with US-led forces in the two-decade fight against the Taliban insurgency. "For those who are worried that America has closed its doors to Afghans... I want to tell them, 'Return to your country, even if you have served the Americans for 20 or 30 years for their ends, and ruined the Islamic system'," he said in a speech marking the Eid al-Adha holiday, broadcast by state media. "You will not face abuse or trouble," he said, making reassurances that the Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada had "granted amnesty for all". After surging to power in 2021, Taliban authorities announced a general amnesty for Afghans who worked with the Western-backed forces and government. However, the United Nations has recorded reports of extrajudicial killings, detentions and abuses. In the past four years, the Taliban government has imposed a strict view of Islamic law and restrictions on women which the UN says amount to "gender apartheid". Afghans fled in droves to neighbouring countries during decades of conflict, but the chaotic withdrawal of US-led troops saw a new wave clamouring to escape Taliban government curbs and fears of reprisal for working with Washington. The United States has not had a working embassy in Afghanistan since 2021 and Afghans must apply for visas in third countries, principally Pakistan which has recently ramped up campaigns to expel Afghans. Since Trump returned to the White House in January, Afghans have gradually seen their chances of migrating to the United States or staying there shrink. Trump administration orders have disrupted refugee pathways and revoked legal protections temporarily shielding Afghans from deportation starting in July.


Eyewitness News
4 hours ago
- Eyewitness News
Activist aid ship nears Gaza after reaching Egypt coast: organisers
CAIRO, Egypt - An aid ship with 12 activists on board, including Swedish climate campaigner Greta Thunberg, has reached the Egyptian coast and is nearing the besieged Palestinian territory, organisers said on Saturday. The Madleen, part of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, left Sicily last week with a cargo of relief supplies "to break Israel's blockade on Gaza". "We are now sailing off the Egyptian coast," German human rights activist Yasemin Acar told AFP. "We are all good," she added. In a statement from London on Saturday, the International Committee for Breaking the Siege of Gaza -- a member organisation of the flotilla coalition -- said the ship had entered Egyptian waters. The group said it remains in contact with international legal and human rights bodies to ensure the safety of those on board, warning that any interception would constitute "a blatant violation of international humanitarian law". European parliament member Rima Hassan, who is on board the vessel, urged governments to "guarantee safe passage for the Freedom Flotilla." The Palestinian territory was under Israeli naval blockade even before the October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas that sparked the Gaza war and Israel has enforced its blockade with military action in the past. A 2010 commando raid on the Turkish ship Mavi Marmara, which was part of a similar aid flotilla trying to breach the blockade, left 10 civilians dead. In May, another Freedom Flotilla ship, the Conscience, reported coming under drone attack while en route for Gaza, prompting Cyprus and Malta to send rescue vessels in response to its distress call. There were no reports of any casualties. Earlier in its voyage, the Madleen changed course near the Greek island of Crete after receiving a distress signal from a sinking migrant boat. Activists rescued four Sudanese migrants who had jumped into the sea to avoid being returned to Libya. The four were later transferred to an EU Frontex vessel. Launched in 2010, the Freedom Flotilla Coalition is a coalition of groups opposed to the blockade on humanitarian aid for Gaza that Israel imposed on March 2 and has only partially eased since. Israel has faced mounting international condemnation over the resulting humanitarian crisis in the territory, where the United Nations has warned the entire population of more than two million is at risk of famine.