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Here's why enrollments are falling in govt schools and how that can be fixed

Here's why enrollments are falling in govt schools and how that can be fixed

The Hindu5 days ago
Government schools in India offer numerous student-friendly benefits: free education, qualified and better-paid teachers, mid-day meals, free textbooks and uniforms, and low or zero fees. These should make them the natural first choice for most families, especially in rural and low-income communities.
Yet, enrollment in government schools has been steadily declining, particularly in urban and semi-urban areas. Parents, even from modest backgrounds, are increasingly choosing private schools over public ones. Why is this happening despite the generous support extended to the public school system?
The answer lies in a complex combination of perception, policy gaps, structural inequities, and, most importantly, an entrance exam system that unintentionally favours private institutions and urban students while leaving rural, government school students at a disadvantage.
Government schools are often perceived as outdated, poorly managed, and meant for the underprivileged—regardless of their actual strengths. In contrast, private schools are viewed as disciplined, modern, and aspirational, even when many lack qualified faculty or sound infrastructure. This perception gap, amplified by advertising and peer influence, has convinced many parents to invest in private education, even when it stretches their household finances.
The National Education Policy 2020 recommends mother tongue instruction until Grade 5, preferably Grade 8, to ensure better comprehension and conceptual clarity in the early years. Government schools generally adhere to this policy. However, many private schools advertise English-medium instruction from Class 1, often without qualified English teachers. Parents, hoping to secure early language advantage for their children, are easily persuaded. As a result, government schools are seen as less modern—even when they are following sound, evidence-based pedagogy. Without uniform enforcement of NEP across both public and private schools, this divide is bound to widen.
Private schools, particularly those in cities and towns, market themselves as pathways to engineering and medical careers. Many introduce IIT or NEET-focused programmes from the primary school level, branding themselves as 'Techno Schools' or 'Junior Academies.' This premature focus on Maths and Science sidelines equally important subjects like languages, social studies, the arts, and ethical education. While this narrow approach may benefit students in competitive exams, it comes at the cost of emotional, civic, and holistic development.
Government schools, by contrast, follow a more balanced curriculum, giving due importance to all subjects. Yet in a system where only STEM marks matter for college admissions, this comprehensive approach is undervalued. The national entrance exam structure reinforces this imbalance.
Most entrance exams for engineering, medicine, and even some general degree programs test only Physics, Chemistry, Biology, and Mathematics. Core subjects such as languages, history, geography, political science, and ethics are excluded entirely. This format is inherently biased toward private school students who are coached intensively in these few subjects, often from a very young age. Urban students benefit further from mock test series, foundation programmes, and English-medium content.
Rural students attending government schools, however, study a broader syllabus aligned with national curricular frameworks. Their preparation, while more holistic, does not align with the narrowly focused demands of entrance tests. This systemic mismatch lowers their chances of success and further reinforces the notion that public schools are inadequate.
The result is a social and academic injustice. Entrance exams, in their current form, help private schools thrive—by rewarding early coaching and selective learning. At the same time, they penalize children from public schools who have received a full, balanced education. In a country where nearly two-thirds of children rely on public education, this situation is neither fair nor sustainable.
How the imbalance can be corrected
To correct these imbalances, India must act decisively. Entrance exams must be reformed to test across all key school subjects, including languages, humanities, ethics, and reasoning. This would ensure that children are not penalized for receiving a broader education. NEP guidelines should be uniformly enforced in both private and public schools, particularly with regard to medium of instruction and curricular scope. Misleading early branding by private schools—such as IIT and NEET training from Class 1—should be regulated to protect the integrity of childhood education.
Public school infrastructure must be upgraded to reflect the aspirations of a changing society. Teacher support, digital tools, and community participation through School Management Committees should be strengthened. Above all, success stories from government schools should be celebrated to rebuild public trust.
Government schools remain the backbone of India's educational equity. But unless entrance exams, admission policies, and public messaging are aligned with the values and structure of public education, families will continue to shift away.
It is time to change the narrative—from 'free and last-resort' to 'free and first-choice.' That can happen only when every subject is valued, every child is supported, and every school is given the opportunity to succeed.
(The writer is Professor (retired), IIT Madras. He writes on education policy, curriculum reform and rural equity)
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Digital campaign strategies in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls
Digital campaign strategies in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls

The Hindu

timean hour ago

  • The Hindu

Digital campaign strategies in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls

India's 2024 Lok Sabha election spanned seven phases from April 19 to June 1, with around 642 million voters casting ballots at 1.05 million polling stations. While traditional campaign methods such as rallies, motorcades, and door-to-door canvassing remained influential, many voters' primary engagement with political parties came through screens. Political content flooded digital spaces through short videos on social media, targeted ads following users across apps, meme pages, and influencers weaving political commentary into lifestyle content. The 2024 election was not just supported by digital media; it was fundamentally shaped by it. The recently released report by Lokniti-CSDS provides a data-driven analysis of digital platforms' role in the 2024 elections, showing how they complemented traditional door-to-door efforts in mobilising voters. 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A large following with low EER suggests weak content appeal, while a smaller following with high EER indicates stronger resonance with supporters. The engagement analysis revealed key platform-specific trends. On X, Congress recorded the highest engagement, followed by BJP and AAP, reflecting strong voter interaction (Table 1). On Facebook, Trinamool Congress led in engagement, with JD(U) also performing notably well. Advertising strategies Beyond engagement metrics, thematic analysis revealed distinct campaign strategies during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Posts were categorised into themes such as economic issues, policies, governance, vote appeals, and attacks on the opposition. The Thematic Average (TA) was calculated by averaging each party's thematic focus across both platforms. AAP (56%) and Trinamool (44%) focused heavily on attacking opponents, while BJP (36%) and Shiv Sena (32%) emphasised vote appeals. JD(U) centred its campaign on policy issues (60%), including reservations, youth employment, and women's empowerment (Table 2). Religious content appeared primarily in BJP and Shiv Sena posts. Demographic targeting — addressing women, youth, and farmers —was visible in posts by the JD(U) (16%) and RJD (15%). Digital advertising is now essential in electoral campaigns, shaping voter perceptions. Social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram, both owned by Meta, have become widely used in India, enabling political parties to reach and influence a diverse audience through posts and ads. The study analysed the digital strategies of Congress and BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, with a focus on their extensive use of Facebook and Instagram ads. It examines ad spend, thematic messaging, user engagement, and content consumption through the Meta Ad Library. BJP and Congress showed stark contrasts in their digital advertising. 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In contrast, the BJP adopted a more linguistically diverse strategy, with 72% of ads in Hindi, and the rest distributed across Bengali, Odia, Marathi, and Tamil, highlighting its regional outreach within a national campaign framework. Moreover, spending patterns of the BJP and Congress reflect different campaign strategies. The BJP favoured cost-efficiency, with 65% of its ads costing between ₹0 and ₹999, allowing for high-volume dissemination and broader visibility. The Congress in contrast, allocated more to higher-cost ads, with 34% in the ₹1,00,000 to ₹4,99,999 range, emphasising quality over quantity. This indicates Congress's focus on fewer, high-impact ads, contrasted with BJP's saturation strategy of numerous low-cost ads (Table 5). The BJP's ads were primarily focused on direct vote appeals, with significant emphasis on infrastructure, development, and the economy. 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For the BJP, a majority of its ads (98%) fell within the ₹1,00,000 range, with only 2% of ads exceeding this amount. In contrast, the Congress displayed a more balanced spending distribution, with 73% of its ads falling within the ₹1,00,000 range, while 27% exceeded this threshold (Table 11). The outcomes were visible in impressions: 61% of BJP ads had fewer than 10,000 views, and only 3% crossed one million. However, 21% of Congress ads surpassed the one million mark, and over half fell within the 10,001–one million range indicating stronger reach and engagement (Table 12). Across seven election phases, the BJP used a highly localised micro-targeting strategy, focusing on specific regions while excluding others. In contrast, the Congress adopted a broader strategy, mainly targeting entire States or the country, with minimal exclusions, reflecting a less localised campaign focus (Table 13). BJP's ads showed significant variation across phases, while Congress's remained mostly consistent, often repeating similar content. Nearly all BJP ads featured Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the slogan 'Fir Ek Baar Modi Sarkar' (Once again Modi Government). Congress ads mainly showcased the slogan 'Hath Badlega Halaat' (The Palm will change the condition). Unlike BJP, Congress ads did not include explicit vote appeals. The silent period The digital shift of political campaigns has made it easier for political parties to bypass election regulations, particularly during the 48-hour silence period meant to ensure free and fair voting. An analysis of Google Ads using the Transparency Centre data reveals potential violations of these rules by parties during the recent elections. The Election Commission's (EC) Model Code of Conduct (MCC) requires a 48-hour silence period before polling, banning all campaigning including digital. Despite this, parties have been observed violating the silence period by running online ads. During the 48-hour silence period, the BJP ran 179,070 ads on Google compared to Congress's 8,149 — a ratio of approximately 21:1. Yet the BJP's total spend was only about 25% higher, than the Congress's. These figures reflect all ads live at any point in the silence windows, not necessarily violations. To identify actual breaches of the MCC, researchers sampled ads to check if they targeted poll-bound constituencies during the restricted window. Only such ads were considered violations of the rules. To assess compliance, a sample of ads from both parties was analysed in each phase. For the BJP, 2,996 ads were analysed, and 492 were found to be in violation of the MCC. In contrast, of the 958 Congress ads analysed, 698 (or 73%) were found to be in violation of the MCC (Table 14 and Table 15). These repeated violations reveal gaps in current election regulations concerning digital platforms. The team comprised Sanjay Kumar (Professor and Co-director Lokniti-CSDS); Suhas Palshikar (Taught political science and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics), Sandeep Shastri (Director-Academics, NITTE Education Trust and the National Coordinator of the Lokniti Network), Aditi Singh (Assistant Professor, Jindal Global Law School, O.P. Jindal Global University) and Vibha Attri (Research Associate at Lokniti-CSDS).

Ex-SC judge flags executive interference in judges' appointment process
Ex-SC judge flags executive interference in judges' appointment process

Business Standard

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  • Business Standard

Ex-SC judge flags executive interference in judges' appointment process

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West Bengal: Tension in Barasat after clashes break out during Suvendu Adhikari's rally
West Bengal: Tension in Barasat after clashes break out during Suvendu Adhikari's rally

Indian Express

time2 hours ago

  • Indian Express

West Bengal: Tension in Barasat after clashes break out during Suvendu Adhikari's rally

Tensions flared in Barasat, in the North 24 Parganas district on Wednesday during the BJP's 'Kanya Suraksha Yatra' rally, led by Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, as Trinamool Congress supporters allegedly clashed with BJP participants, during the event aimed at highlighting crimes against women in the state. According to reports, a confrontation erupted when the BJP procession reached the Champadali More, in Barasat, where a TMC party office is located. The BJP has alleged that TMC workers made provocative remarks toward Adhikari, sparking a scuffle, and leading to stone-pelting and vandalism. A BJP supporter was reportedly injured in the incident. In response, the TMC supporters, reportedly, not only accused the BJP of instigating the violence, but also claimed that BJP participants shouted slogans to harass them and physically assaulted them, retaliating with sticks and water bottles, while they were standing near their party office. A banner featuring TMC leader Mamata Banerjee was also reportedly targeted. Police personnel, including those from Rapid Action Battalion, were deployed to bring the situation under control, officials said. Several motorcycles were also reportedly vandalised in the chaos. The senior BJP leader later claimed he was attacked in Barasat, but managed to escape, drawing a parallel to the Cooch Behar incident. Following the incident, Adhikari posted on X that the 'Kanya Suraksha Yatra' was a demand for the safety of women in the state, citing a rise in violence against women under the TMC government. Adhikari further said that atrocities against women were on the rise in Bengal due to a 'complete collapse of law and order.' There was no immediate response from the TMC regarding the allegations. The incident comes a day after Adhikari's convoy was allegedly attacked by some people in Cooch Behar district on Tuesday afternoon. Security and police vehicles were vandalized, and Adhikari's bulletproof car was reportedly hit with sticks, stones. Police have also arrested several individuals. — With PTI Sweety Kumari reports from West Bengal for The Indian Express. She is a journalist with over a decade of experience in the media industry. Covers Crime, Defence, Health , Politics etc and writes on trending topics. With a keen eye for investigative and human-interest stories. She has honed her craft across diverse beats including aviation, health, incidents etc. Sweety delivers impactful journalism that informs and engages audiences. Sweety Kumari is a graduate of Calcutta University with an Honors degree in Journalism from Jaipuria College and a PG in Mass Communication from Jadavpur University. Originally from Bihar, she is brought up in Kolkata and completed her education from Kendriya Vidyalaya SaltLake. Multilingual, Sweety is fluent in English, Hindi, Bengali, and Maithili. She started her career as an Entertainment and lifestyle journalist with a newsportal in Kolkata. She is working with The Indian Express for 8 years now. ... Read More

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