Faith, fire, and fragmentation: The Druze dilemma in a New Syria

Al Arabiya

19-05-2025

The fall of the Assad regime – long thought unimaginable – brought immense relief to millions of Syrians who had endured over five decades of repression. For those who rose in revolt in 2011, it felt like vindication. But what followed has not been a clean transition to democracy or stability. Instead, Syria is now ruled by a former jihadist-turned-president, Ahmad al-Sharaa, whose self-appointed government is viewed with deep suspicion by many of the country's minority groups.
The recent détente between the new Syrian regime and the Trump administration – formalized during the US-Saudi summit in Riyadh – while giving the Syrian renewed hope has equally refocused attention on the country's delicate balance. The US announced a surprise lifting of sanctions on Syria. This was followed by a trilateral meeting between Donald Trump, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and President al-Sharaa. While the sanctions move was framed as a reset of regional relations, many religious and ethnic communities within Syria now fear that their fate will be sacrificed at the altar of geopolitical pragmatism.
Chief among those resisting integration into this new political order are the Druze of Syria. A small, heterodox Muslim sect with influential communities in Lebanon and Israel, the Druze have openly refused to disarm or join the newly formed Syrian army. In the Damascus suburbs of Jaramana and Sehnaya, recent clashes between Druze militias and pro-government forces left dozens dead and prompted a rare Israeli airstrike – what Israel labeled as a 'warning shot' against forces planning to attack the Druze population.
The immediate spark for this violence was a leaked audio recording, allegedly from a Druze cleric, interpreted by some Sunni factions as blasphemous. The result was swift and bloody retaliation. But the underlying tension runs far deeper, reflecting a growing fear among the Druze that Syria is falling into the grip of an extremist Sunni regime with little tolerance for religious diversity.
The Druze community, estimated at just under a million people across the Levant and diaspora, now finds itself divided. In Lebanon, powerful Druze leader Walid Joumblatt has expressed concern over the accommodating tone adopted by Syrian Druze leaders, going so far as to publicly criticize Sheikh Hikmat al-Hajari, a top religious figure in Suwayda. Al-Hajari, notably, enjoys full support from Sheikh Mowaffak Tarif – the Druze spiritual authority in Israel.
This internal split is uncharacteristic of a group that has historically prized unity, especially during times of regional upheaval. Joumblatt advocates for conforming to the dominant Sunni discourse, including remnants of Arab nationalism. But many within his community – and among Syrian Druze – disagree. Increasingly, voices are calling for international and even Israeli protection, casting the al-Sharaa regime as a wolf in moderate clothing.
Adding fuel to this fire was a failed coup attempt in Syria's Alawite coastal regions. President al-Sharaa crushed the rebellion with brutal force, further alarming minority communities who now see armed suppression – not dialogue – as the new regime's default setting. While al-Sharaa has been publicly conciliatory toward the Druze, elements within his coalition reportedly view them as heretics, undeserving of political autonomy or protection.
Israel, meanwhile, is paying close attention. The Israeli Druze – fully integrated into the state, serving in the army and often in elite units – have long been seen as loyal citizens. Security officials and military planners in Israel increasingly see value in aligning more directly with the Druze across the border. Political figures like Benjamin Netanyahu, Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Bezalel Smotrich have been less subtle: they frame support for the Syrian Druze as a means of weakening an adversary and bolstering their own political fortunes.
Recent developments underscore this realignment. Last week, 500 Syrian Druze joined their Israeli counterparts on a pilgrimage to Nabi Shuʿayb, the tomb of the Prophet Jethro and the Druze faith's holiest site. Though primarily religious in nature, the visit carried undeniable political symbolism – a nod toward deepening ties and perhaps even open alliance.
Still, the notion of a Druze secessionist state – an idea quietly whispered in some circles – is riddled with logistical and geopolitical obstacles. Suwayda, the main Druze enclave in southern Syria, is geographically isolated from the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights, where the second-largest Druze population resides. Creating a viable, connected, and internationally recognized Druze entity is not only impractical – it risks provoking wider regional fragmentation, particularly among the Kurds, something Turkey will fiercely oppose.
Perhaps those Druze who are eager to openly call for an alliance with Prime Minister Netanyahu should take a closer look at the limited nature of Israeli military support. Despite several airstrikes by the Israeli Air Force targeting the new Syrian army and affiliated factions, the attacks have caused minimal damage and have done little to prevent assaults on Druze villages outside the stronghold of Suwayda. Notably, as Druze fighters were fending off al-Sharaa's troops, the Turkish government granted Netanyahu's plane permission to fly through its airspace en route to Azerbaijan – a stark reminder of the dangers small communities face when placing their fate in the hands of shifting regional and international alliances.
The Druze have long excelled at survival through pragmatism, leveraging their small numbers into outsized political influence by mastering the art of neutrality and adaptive loyalty. But in the volatile, post–October 7 Middle East, neutrality may no longer be a viable strategy. The collapse of al-Assad, the decline of Hezbollah, and the unraveling of Iran's regional hold have upended familiar power dynamics. This moment demands something more than quiet negotiation – it requires vision, bold alliances, and perhaps most critically, the courage to abandon old assumptions.
In this context, the US reversal on sanctions sends a dangerous signal to Syria's vulnerable communities: that global powers may once again be willing to overlook domestic repression in exchange for regional stability. For the Druze, it confirms what many already suspect—that survival will depend less on promises from abroad and more on the hard choices they must make themselves.
The Druze are now at a crossroads. The world around them is shifting fast. Whether they will once again emerge intact from the wreckage – or lose their place in the new order – depends not on history, but on the choices they make now.