
Belgium moves closer to coalition crisis over Gaza
For weeks, tensions have been brewing inside Belgium's delicate five-party coalition government, with three of the parties growing impatient with what they see as the executive's silence on Israel's ongoing war and the humanitarian disaster in the Gaza Strip.
So far, Belgium has no unified position on whether to officially recognise a Palestinian state, no agreement on whether to sanction Israel over alleged abuses and violations of international law, and no decision on whether to label the situation in Gaza a genocide.
Prime minister under pressure
The centrist Les Engagés party, as well as the centre-right Christian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) and the socialist Vooruit parties, had all urged Prime Minister Bart De Wever of the right-wing New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) to convene the cabinet before Thursday's session.
The three parties hoped to push Belgium toward sanctioning Israel and recognising Palestine by winning over at least some politicians from the liberal Reformist Movement (MR), which has so far opposed describing Gaza as a genocide, and the N-VA, which has not yet taken a formal position.
But De Wever, on holiday until Sunday, refused to call a meeting of ministers – even via video link.
Ahead of the Thursday's showdown, CD&V leader Sammy Mahdi vented his frustration on public broadcaster VRT: "Let's hope the government meets soon, and that when the ministers return from holiday, they understand that in times of genocide, this is where they should be."
He warned that if nothing is done, Christian Democrats could no longer "carry on with business as usual" on other policy issues. Vooruit leader Conner Rousseau had also hinted earlier that a government crisis could loom without action.
Belgium has taken part in humanitarian aid drops into Gaza, touted by the De Wever government. But those efforts are seen by many lawmakers as insufficient.
During the parliamentary meeting, several MPs blasted De Wever for not cutting short his holiday, with Green lawmaker Rajae Maouane saying: "Genocide doesn't take vacations."
Belgian government threatened by rift over Gaza inaction
Belgium's governing coalition is divided over Gaza – with parties trading blows, the PM on holiday, and a stormy parliamentary debate on Thursday.
Prévot pushes for a harder line
Prévot, a member of Les Engagés who also serves as Belgium's deputy prime minister, took a much firmer tone than some of his coalition partners.
"It is hard not to see all the elements that could amount to clear genocidal violence [in this war]," he told MPs.
He said Belgium pushed hard at the EU level to target both Hamas and Israeli political and military leaders with sanctions, and blamed Hungary for blocking consensus. He endorsed a ban on imports from Israeli settlements and pledged to push again for Belgium to blacklist individuals and welcomed signs of support from De Wever's N-VA in that regard.
Prévot lamented that Belgium had not followed the lead of other European countries like France in recognising a Palestinian state in July, but argued that halting the war is far more urgent. Without immediate progress, "there will soon be nothing left to recognise", he said.
The minister promised MPs that they could "count on [him] to help shift the lines".
A looming crisis?
After the meeting, Prévot told broadcaster RTL that if N-VA and MR continue to block recognition of Palestine, "it will be grounds for a serious government crisis", and expressed fear that Belgium could suffer "a total loss of credibility on the international stage" due to a double standard for Gaza and other conflicts, such as in Ukraine and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Prévot demanded that Belgium reach a clear position before the UN General Assembly meets on 20 September in New York.
Belgium supports bid to suspend Israel from EU research programme
Belgium is one of around 10 countries supporting the move, but the threshold for triggering it is still out of reach
(bts)
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Euractiv
a day ago
- Euractiv
Belgium moves closer to coalition crisis over Gaza
Belgian lawmakers convened a reckoning over the country's paralysed policy stance on Gaza at an emergency parliamentary committee hearing on Thursday that cut short the summer break and drew Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot. For weeks, tensions have been brewing inside Belgium's delicate five-party coalition government, with three of the parties growing impatient with what they see as the executive's silence on Israel's ongoing war and the humanitarian disaster in the Gaza Strip. So far, Belgium has no unified position on whether to officially recognise a Palestinian state, no agreement on whether to sanction Israel over alleged abuses and violations of international law, and no decision on whether to label the situation in Gaza a genocide. Prime minister under pressure The centrist Les Engagés party, as well as the centre-right Christian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) and the socialist Vooruit parties, had all urged Prime Minister Bart De Wever of the right-wing New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) to convene the cabinet before Thursday's session. The three parties hoped to push Belgium toward sanctioning Israel and recognising Palestine by winning over at least some politicians from the liberal Reformist Movement (MR), which has so far opposed describing Gaza as a genocide, and the N-VA, which has not yet taken a formal position. But De Wever, on holiday until Sunday, refused to call a meeting of ministers – even via video link. Ahead of the Thursday's showdown, CD&V leader Sammy Mahdi vented his frustration on public broadcaster VRT: "Let's hope the government meets soon, and that when the ministers return from holiday, they understand that in times of genocide, this is where they should be." He warned that if nothing is done, Christian Democrats could no longer "carry on with business as usual" on other policy issues. Vooruit leader Conner Rousseau had also hinted earlier that a government crisis could loom without action. Belgium has taken part in humanitarian aid drops into Gaza, touted by the De Wever government. But those efforts are seen by many lawmakers as insufficient. During the parliamentary meeting, several MPs blasted De Wever for not cutting short his holiday, with Green lawmaker Rajae Maouane saying: "Genocide doesn't take vacations." Belgian government threatened by rift over Gaza inaction Belgium's governing coalition is divided over Gaza – with parties trading blows, the PM on holiday, and a stormy parliamentary debate on Thursday. Prévot pushes for a harder line Prévot, a member of Les Engagés who also serves as Belgium's deputy prime minister, took a much firmer tone than some of his coalition partners. "It is hard not to see all the elements that could amount to clear genocidal violence [in this war]," he told MPs. He said Belgium pushed hard at the EU level to target both Hamas and Israeli political and military leaders with sanctions, and blamed Hungary for blocking consensus. He endorsed a ban on imports from Israeli settlements and pledged to push again for Belgium to blacklist individuals and welcomed signs of support from De Wever's N-VA in that regard. Prévot lamented that Belgium had not followed the lead of other European countries like France in recognising a Palestinian state in July, but argued that halting the war is far more urgent. Without immediate progress, "there will soon be nothing left to recognise", he said. The minister promised MPs that they could "count on [him] to help shift the lines". A looming crisis? After the meeting, Prévot told broadcaster RTL that if N-VA and MR continue to block recognition of Palestine, "it will be grounds for a serious government crisis", and expressed fear that Belgium could suffer "a total loss of credibility on the international stage" due to a double standard for Gaza and other conflicts, such as in Ukraine and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Prévot demanded that Belgium reach a clear position before the UN General Assembly meets on 20 September in New York. Belgium supports bid to suspend Israel from EU research programme Belgium is one of around 10 countries supporting the move, but the threshold for triggering it is still out of reach (bts)


Euractiv
2 days ago
- Euractiv
The EU's moral collapse
Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff served as the European Union Representative to the occupied Palestinian territory, based in East Jerusalem, from January 2020 until his departure in July 2025. Prior to his role in Jerusalem, he served as a Senior Advisor on Mediation within the European External Action Service. The EU likes to think of itself as a normative power – a community of values, committed to upholding international law, promoting peace, protecting civilians, and building a rules-based global order. These are not just lofty ideals; they are enshrined in EU treaties and Council conclusions. But when it comes to the brutal destruction of Gaza and the continued occupation of Palestine, these principles seem to have become hollow rhetoric. Worse, they are being actively undermined by the craven inaction of the EU's institutions and the obstructionism of governments like Germany, Italy, Hungary, and the Czech Republic. While Germany undoubtedly has a historic responsibility to protect Jewish life and the security of the Jewish people, this does in no way justify placing Israeli government actions above international law. If the German government were serious about securing Israel's future and preventing another 7 October from happening, it would have to work tirelessly to end the occupation of Palestine and the ongoing military campaign in Gaza that, in my view, blatantly violates international humanitarian law. The European Commission has also been shamefully absent. Only as a result of recent pressure by many member states did it eventually propose the most tepid of measures by suspending access for Israeli SMEs under a dual-use innovation window of Horizon Europe. Even this minor proposal by the Commission is being blocked by spoiler governments. While tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians have reportedly been killed, maimed and starved, and nearly the entire population of Gaza displaced, the EU dithers. The ICJ has issued provisional measures towards Israel for what it sees as the risk of genocide in Gaza – warnings the Netanyahu government has flatly ignored – and declared that Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory is unlawful. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued an arrest warrant for Prime Minister Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. The UN, human rights organisations, and many former Israeli top military and intelligence officials have sounded the alarm about Israel's actions in Gaza and its policies in the West Bank. The EU has ample tools at its disposal to pressure Israel to end its brutal war in Gaza, dismantle the occupation, and move towards a viable two-state solution, with an independent and democratic Palestinian state living side by side in peace with Israel. If the EU remains unable to muster political will for collective action, then the moral, political and legal burden falls on individual Member States. Countries like Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia have already taken encouraging steps in recognising the state of Palestine and demanding accountability. But much more is needed now. European countries that claim to support human rights and uphold international law must start acting within their own prerogatives to bring their influence to bear. For starters, this would mean u nilaterally suspending or revoking arms export licenses to Israel under their own national export control laws, including for dual-use equipment and technology. Individual countries can also stop funding national co-financed projects involving Israeli entities, or withdraw from joint research agreements with Israeli institutions. They can impose their own national sanctions regimes on human rights grounds, including visa bans and asset freezes. While some Nordic countries have such laws, others could use counterterrorism laws to freeze assets. S ettlement-linked companies can be excluded from public procurement and state investment funds. On top of this, state-owned enterprises or sovereign wealth funds can divest from settlement-linked companies, and national authorities can ban port calls or airspace use for Israeli military vessels and aircraft. Finally, member states with universal jurisdiction provisions can prosecute suspected Israeli and Palestinian war criminals if they enter their territory, or in some cases even in absentia. All member states are of course obliged to support the ICC in arrest warrants and investigations. Individual countries should establish coalitions of the willing that take matters into their own hands as long as the EU remains frozen. Europe's image as a principled, reliable, and rules-based actor is being destroyed – not by autocratic Russia and China, or other adversaries with dictatorial regimes, but by its own refusal to enforce international law when the perpetrator is an ally. At the heart of this disgraceful paralysis are governments that have chosen to side with impunity. The EU spoiler governments are not acting in the interest of peace between Israel and Palestine. They are undermining European unity and damaging the EU's global credibility and partnerships. They are also complicit in prolonging the suffering of millions of Palestinians, endangering Israel's security. The EU's inaction is not just a strategic blunder – it is an appalling moral failure as it enables Israel's impunity and entrenches a conflict that will continue to fuel instability, radicalisation, and despair for generations in the Middle East. Palestinians deserve freedom, dignity, and self-determination. Israelis deserve peace and security within internationally recognised borders. Both peoples deserve leaders – and international partners – who spare no effort in working towards peace and justice, not a never-ending cycle of violence and perpetual domination.


Euractiv
3 days ago
- Euractiv
The Gaza hostages Germany would rather forget
BERLIN – Few issues this summer have gripped Germany as much as Israel's war against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Nearly two years into the conflict, Germany continues to wrestle with how to respond to Hamas's 7 October massacre and Israel's devastating military campaign, always through the prism of its historical responsibility for the Holocaust. Often lost in the public discourse, however, is that seven German citizens remain in Hamas captivity, making Germany the only European nation with nationals still held hostage after 7 October. Germany's collective failure to recognise the hostages as their own has not been lost on the hostages' families, who accuse the country of paying little more than lip service to their captive citizens' plight. 'We got a lot of empathy, but when it comes to action, Germany doesn't have a seat at the table,' said Ruby Chen, the father of Itay Chen, a 19-year-old Israeli soldier, whose tank division defended a kibbutz from Hamas' assault on 7 October. Itay, who holds German, Israeli, and US citizenship, is among roughly 50 people still missing since that day. In March 2024, Israel declared him dead, but his parents – Ruby and Hagit – have received no evidence of his death, and continue travelling the globe to lobby governments to press for his release, unimpressed by both Israel's and Germany's efforts. If Ruby were to meet Merz, he would tell him to "be more active in negotiations, to end the war, and get the hostages out," he said. 'Not important enough' Negotiations on hostages with Hamas typically run through intermediaries such as Egypt and Qatar. Releases are mostly selected based on humanitarian criteria, which has also led to the release of 14 German citizens so far. But other governments have gone further: the US, for example, leveraged private-sector intermediaries to open direct channels to Hamas, leading to the release of one American national. France has reportedly managed to put French citizens on priority release lists through proactive influence operations. By contrast, Germany hasn't talked to Hamas or pressured the negotiators, the Chens say. German officials told them that they 'do not have the resources to effectively negotiate' for their nationals. But the family disagrees: 'We believe they have an obligation to do whatever is in their power to free German hostages," Ruby said. 'The German hostages haven't been forgotten, but they're seen as not important enough,' Hagit added. All but implicit in the Chens' concerns is the question whether the German government would handle things differently if the missing were not Jewish dual citizens named Itay, Tamir, Alon, Shav, Gali, Ziv, and Rom, but ethnic Germans, born and raised in the country. Many Israelis are also German nationals thanks to a loosening of German citizenship laws in recent years as part of the country's reckoning with the Holocaust. Itay's German citizenship came from Hagit, whose own mother was a Holocaust survivor from Bad Reichenhall, a Bavarian spa town. In 2011, an estimated 100,000 Israelis had German passports – a figure likely to have grown since a 2021 law eased access for descendants of Nazi victims. Yet awareness in Germany of the remaining hostages is minimal. 'It's a disgrace that this plays hardly any role in German politics," Uwe Becker, the antisemitism watchdog of the regional government of Hesse, said earlier this year. Berlin long avoided even acknowledging the number of its citizens in captivity, citing security concerns. The current conservative government also dropped its predecessor's policy of treating all hostages equally regardless of nationality, but has done little more than add boilerplate references to communications. Similar accusations have been levelled at the UK government, which insists that "safe release of all hostages, including British nationals and those with strong UK links, has been a priority for this government since the start." French President Emmanuel Macron, by contrast, held a public ceremony at the Dôme des Invalides, with soldiers holding up images of 42 French victims of 7 October. His government celebrated French hostage releases with jubilant statements. At odds with Berlin The Chens have tried to raise awareness with op-eds, interviews and meetings with German government representatives, including former Chancellor Olaf Scholz and the new foreign minister, Johann Wadephul. They say, they are particularly grateful to the German ambassador to Israel, Steffen Seibert, a former TV host and spokesperson to Angela Merkel, who helped them set up meetings. But their demands sit awkwardly with Berlin's position. They notably call for an immediate ceasefire, arguing that Israel's military operations has failed to secure the hostages' release. 'Both sides are to blame, and we don't care who is more to blame right now,' Ruby said. It was time for the international community "to get both sides to the table," he added, even if that would amount to rewarding Hamas for its crimes. During a recent trip to Berlin, the Chens also discussed potential sanctions against Hamas's financing operations with the German finance and interior ministries. They believe that Germany should lead the EU in joining US sanctions, and also pressure countries like Turkey, a NATO ally, which they accuse of serving as Hamas' financial hub. The Chens were accordingly stunned by Chancellor Friedrich Merz's unprecedented decision to limit arms exports to Israel – but not because they believe that Israel's approach is the right one, as they hasten to add. "We're wondering how this measure will contribute to the release of Itay and the other six German hostages," Ruby wrote in an op-ed for Bild, a German tabloid. No pressure was put on Hamas, he added. The urgency is mounting as Israeli forces advance into areas where the hostages are believed to be held. Recently released footage also showed the precarious health of emaciated captives in Gaza's tunnels – scenes that left Hagit in tears. 'We're worried that the hostages still alive will die and that those already dead will vanish without anyone telling us what happened to Itay,' Ruby said. 'We must have certainty,' Hagit added. (mm)