
How to tackle the flow of money that can aid the development of weapons of mass destruction
The proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) represents one of the most severe threats to global security. The ongoing Israel-Iran conflict, reportedly sparked by Israel's concerns over Iran's nuclear ambitions, underscores the urgency of addressing this issue.
WMD proliferation relies on intricate financial networks, procurement chains, and covert enablers. Disrupting these financial lifelines is a critical defence against the catastrophic risks posed by WMDs, necessitating robust regulations to counter proliferation financing (PF). However, financial and compliance professionals often grapple with the complexity of techniques employed by proliferators to move funds covertly.
A timely report released by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on June 20, titled Complex Proliferation Financing and Sanctions Evasion Schemes, elucidates the sophisticated methods proliferators use to bypass counter-proliferation financing (CPF) measures and clandestinely fund WMD programs. The report serves as a sobering reminder that state-driven proliferation efforts are not only persistent but also highly adaptive, exploiting modern financial systems with alarming ingenuity. It addresses the challenges in understanding the sophisticated methods used by proliferators to covertly move funds by stating the typologies of PF based on the cases of various jurisdictions.
A sophisticated global web
The FATF report highlights the increasing use of front companies, mislabelling of goods, digital currency, and cyber theft in proliferation financing (PF).
One of the report's findings is the way the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea), subject to United Nations (UN) sanctions, has shifted strategies to continue proliferation financing. No longer reliant solely on traditional smuggling routes, the regime now deploys a mix of state-sponsored cyberattacks, maritime trade manipulation, and digital deception. It observes that 'the DPRK generated billions of dollars through cyberattacks on virtual asset-related companies, such as the theft of $1.5 billion from ByBit in February 2025.'
State-supported actors from DPRK have also been found to raise revenue from the export of wigs in violation of UN sanctions, and remote IT work. The report notes that countries engaged in direct transactions with the DPRK face increased exposure to proliferation financing risks.
Iran: Evasion through proxy
Although UN sanctions related to its nuclear program expired in October 2023 under UNSCR 2231, Iran remains a high-risk jurisdiction in the eyes of many FATF members. The report explains how Iran uses a web of front companies, trusted proxies, and foreign exchange houses to move funds and procure dual-use items.
The report warns that despite the expiration of global sanctions, unilateral and regional sanctions still apply to Iran and are being actively circumvented. Proceeds of oil smuggling from Iran also fuel PF risks and have been actively aided by well-connected businesspersons overseas.
Pakistan: An emerging PF concern
In a critical case study, the FATF report highlights Pakistan's role in the procurement of dual-use goods by falsely declaring them as industrial dryers. The case study notes that the 'Bill of Lading of the seized cargo provided evidence of the link between the importer and the National Development Complex (NDC).'
The NDC is a Pakistani state-owned defence and aerospace contractor, founded in 1990 by the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. The NDC was sanctioned by the United States in December 2024 under Executive Order 13382 along with three other Pakistani entities. The order targets proliferators of WMD and their means of delivery. The sanctions followed a finding that the NDC had procured missile-related components from global suppliers through a network of front companies and Karachi-based intermediaries.
PF risks also arise from Pakistan's geographic location, porous border, and ineffective border checks. According to multiple sources, approximately 2.8 billion litres of oil are smuggled annually from Iran into Pakistan. A leaked intelligence report cited by Voice of America (August 2024) estimates that smuggled Iranian fuel accounts for about 14 per cent of Pakistan's annual fuel consumption, with illicit trade valued at over US $1 billion per year.
The smuggling involves about 1800-2000 vehicles and 1200-1300 boats transporting oil daily, seemingly an organised operation pointing towards systemic facilitation. The financial transactions underpinning the smuggling are predominantly done through the hawala route, thus making it easier to divert them for financing proliferation efforts in Iran. Owing to the quantum of illicit trade and hawala transactions with a persistent threat vector, Pakistan represents a PF threat by extension.
Crypto, cybercrime, and the new frontier of PF
The report highlights the concerning digital evolution of proliferation financing, wherein cybercriminals increasingly exploit cryptocurrencies to obscure transactions and evade detection. As reported by various jurisdictions, the DPRK's Lazarus Group, a state-sponsored cybercrime organisation, has increasingly shifted toward cryptocurrency heists, leveraging anonymity-enhancing technologies such as mixers, decentralised finance (DeFi) platforms, and cross-chain bridges.
The report also highlights the use of cryptocurrency exchanges with lax or nonexistent Know Your Customer (KYC) protocols, enabling proliferators to launder illicit proceeds and obscure the origins of their funds.
Key takeaways for the private sector on PF
The FATF report provides practical enhanced due diligence (EDD) guidance for the private sector through a set of risk indicators grouped under three categories namely, customer information/behaviour indicators (using EDD during onboarding or from KYC), transaction indicators (monitored during routine and escalated reviews) and trade activity indicators (relevant to trade finance, customs intermediaries, and maritime sectors). These act as a structured tool for financial institutions, DNFBPs (Designated Non-Financial Businesses and Professions), and VASPs (Virtual Asset Service Providers) to improve detection and response to PF and sanctions evasion risks.
While the FATF report clarifies that many case studies featured in the report pertain to national and regional sanctions rather than global sanctions (which are part of FATF/UN standards), this is a rich source for academicians and professionals for developing a sound understanding of challenges in countering PF. For academicians, the public sector, the private sector, the financial sector, the maritime sector, and compliance practitioners alike, it provides critical insights into the practical and policy challenges involved in countering proliferation financing.
The writer serves as the Legal Expert, International (Counter-terrorism) Law, supervising the Foreign Investigation Request Unit, at National Investigation Agency, MHA, GoI. Views are personal
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Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
Netanyahu Slams Anti-War Protests as Gaza City Conquest Looms
(Bloomberg) -- Israelis took to the streets on Sunday to protest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's plan to conquer the rest of the Gaza Strip rather than attempt to negotiate an end to the war under which Hamas would free its last hostages. As Netanyahu suggested calls to end the war would embolden Hamas, police scuffled with demonstrators blocking roads, making at least 30 arrests and turning a water cannon on participants at a sit-down protest at a Jerusalem access tunnel. Almost two years into an offensive that's pushed Israel toward global isolation and left much of the Palestinian enclave in ruins, Netanyahu's government this month gave the army the green light to conquer the de facto capital, Gaza City, and crush Hamas holdouts. While the tanks and troops have yet to get rolling, some members of Netanyahu's security cabinet have complained that the planned scale of the operation is insufficient. At the same time, his envoys look poised to resume mediated talks on a truce and hostage release if Hamas softens its terms. There's been no indication so far that the Iran-backed faction will do so. Earlier unwavering domestic backing for the war, which was launched in response to Hamas' killing and kidnapping rampage of Oct. 7, 2023, is long gone. Polls show most Israelis want a deal to bring back the 50 hostages, even if the remnants of Hamas are left intact. The 20 hostages believed to be alive are at risk of execution or being caught up in cross-fire. In scenes recalling the kind of anti-government demonstrations that of preceded the war, groups organized over social media flooded several highway intersections on Sunday, the first day of Israel's workweek. Many held up Israeli flags and photographs of hostages. Netanyahu has vowed victory against Hamas. His timeline for achieving this has proven elastic, and he hasn't given details on who might next rule the shattered Gaza Strip, where the Hamas-run health ministry — which doesn't distinguish between combatant and civilian casualties — says 61,000 Palestinians have died. 'Those calling today for the end of the war without a Hamas defeat are not only hardening the Hamas position and making the freeing of our hostages less likely,' Netanyahu said Sunday. 'They're also ensuring that the horrors of Oct. 7 recur time and again, that our sons and daughters will have to fight time and again in a forever war.' While Israel's main labor federation declined to join in Sunday's strike, the protesters found support from the private sector. The local operations of Apple and Microsoft pitched in, as did New York-listed web platform developer and online marketplace Fiverr, as well as Qumra Capital and Pitango Ltd. The companies allowed workers to take the day off to attend the demonstrations. 'We are at a fateful moment for the Israeli nation and we do not intend to sit idly by,' the Hi-Tech Forum, a coalition formed in 2023 to protest the government's proposed judicial overhaul, said in a statement. 'This is a moment when every Jew and Israeli should show their support for the (hostage) families and call for an end to the war and the return of all hostages.' Eli Cohen, a member of Netanyahu's security cabinet, said the Israel Defense Force would on Sunday finalize orders for the takeover of Gaza City, part of about 25% of the territory previously avoided during military incursions on the belief that hostages are being held there. The plan targets six to eight weeks for the forced evacuation of as many as 1 million Palestinian civilians before the main assault, Cohen told Channel 14 TV, adding that he would press for its acceleration: 'This can be done in two to three weeks.' Shva, operator of Israel's national payment processing infrastructure, reported that as of 12 pm local time, the day's credit card spending was down just 5.1% from a week ago, suggesting a minor impact on businesses from the strike. The Israel Business Forum, a group of 200 of the country's top business leaders, met with hostage families but stopped short of formally backing the strike. Hamas, which is considered a terrorist group in much of the West, wants any Gaza truce to guarantee a full Israeli withdrawal. It's signaled it might cede some power, but refuses Israel's demand to disarm. On Sunday, Hamas denounced the Gaza City plan as 'the beginning of a new wave of brutal genocide' by the Israelis. Israel lost 1,200 people, most of them civilians, in the Oct. 7 attacks and more than 450 troops in Gaza combat since. Israel's longest war has spilled onto several fronts, including with Iran, and strained the military. 'Today's demonstrations show the difference between the Israeli government and its people,' said Noa Tishby, an Israeli-born Los Angeles actress/producer and social media influencer on the conflict. 'Israelis are exhausted from more than two years of protesting against this government, and yet are out today resisting the war in Gaza.' --With assistance from Ethan Bronner and Fadwa Hodali.


News18
4 hours ago
- News18
Calls To End Gaza War Boosting Hamas, Says Netanyahu As Protests Grow Against Offensive
Last Updated: Netanyahu hit back against widespread protests in Israel demanding an end to the conflict and the release of all hostages, saying they were boosting Hamas' position. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday slammed protesters calling for an end to the war with Hamas in Gaza, saying they were effectively boosting the position of the Palestinian group in negotiations. He was referring to demonstrators across Israel calling for an end to the Gaza war and a deal to release hostages still held by Hamas militants, more than a week after Israel's security cabinet approved plans to capture Gaza City. 'Those calling today for an end to the war without the defeat of Hamas not only harden Hamas's position and draw out the release of our hostages, but also ensure that the horrors of October 7 will reoccur," Netanyahu told a cabinet meeting on Sunday, according to a statement from his office. 'We insist that not only must Hamas be disarmed, but also that Israel will enforce the demilitarisation of the Strip over time by continuous action against any attempt at rearmament and reorganisation by any terrorist element whatsoever," he said, adding that Hamas is demanding Israeli removal from Gaza so that it can 'reorganise, rearm and attack us again". Netanyahu defended the Security Cabinet's decision to occupy Gaza City, saying Israel is determined to implement it. 'Therefore, both to advance the release of our hostages and to ensure that Gaza will never again constitute a threat to Israel, we must complete the work and defeat Hamas." Netanyahu's remarks came after widespread protests were held across Israel, calling for an end to the war and the release of hostages. Demonstrators also blocked roads, including the highway connecting Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, where they set tires on fire, according to local media footage. At least 30 protesters were arrested for disturbing public order. Organisers also called for a general strike on Sunday. A huge Israeli flag covered with portraits of the remaining captives was unfurled in Tel Aviv's so-called Hostage Square, a focal point for protests during the 22-month war. At least 49 hostages remain in Gaza, including 27 Israel says are deceased. The Hostages and Missing Families Forum campaign group said in a statement that protesters would 'shut down the country today (Sunday) with one clear call: Bring back the 50 hostages, end the war". This came after videos released by Hamas and its allied militant groups heightened concern for the fate of the hostages. Israeli plans to expand military operations into Gaza City and surrounding refugee camps have triggered both international condemnation and growing domestic criticism. UN-supported experts have raised alarms about a deepening famine across the region, where Israel has significantly restricted the flow of humanitarian aid. view comments First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
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First Post
4 hours ago
- First Post
What are the challenges of a new Palestine state?
Australia is set to recognise the Palestinian state at the UN General Assembly this year, joining the UK, Canada and France. While recognising a Palestinian state is symbolic, the formation of a future Palestinian state consisting of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem is far more difficult to achieve. Here's why Palestinians see East Jerusalem as an indispensable part of any future state. File image/AP Australia will recognise a Palestinian state at the UN General Assembly meeting in September, joining the United Kingdom, Canada and France in taking the historic step. Recognising a Palestinian state is, at one level, symbolic – it signals a growing global consensus behind the rights of Palestinians to have their own state. In the short term, it won't impact the situation on the ground in Gaza. Practically speaking, the formation of a future Palestinian state consisting of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem is far more difficult to achieve. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Israeli government has ruled out a two-state solution and reacted with fury to the moves by the four G20 members to recognise Palestine. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the decision ' shameful'. So, what are the political issues that need to be resolved before a Palestinian state becomes a reality? And what is the point of recognition if it doesn't overcome these seemingly intractable obstacles? Settlements have exploded The first problem is what to do about Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which the International Court of Justice has declared are illegal. Since 1967, Israel has constructed these settlements with two goals in mind: to prevent any future division of Jerusalem and expropriate sufficient territory to make a Palestinian state impossible. There are now more than 500,000 settlers in the West Bank and 233,000 in East Jerusalem. Palestinians see East Jerusalem as an indispensable part of any future state. They will never countenance a state without it as their capital. In May, the Israeli government announced it would also build 22 new settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem – the largest settler expansion in decades. Defence Minister Israel Katz described this as a 'strategic move that prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger Israel'. The Israeli government has also moved closer to fully annexing the West Bank in recent months. Geographical complexities of a future state Second is the issue of a future border between a Palestinian state and Israel. The demarcations of the Gaza Strip, West Bank and East Jerusalem are not internationally recognised borders. Rather, they are the ceasefire lines, known as the 'Green Line', from the 1948 War that saw the creation of Israel. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, in the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel captured and occupied the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem, Egypt's Sinai Peninsula (since returned), and Syria's Golan Heights. And successive Israeli governments have used the construction of settlements in the occupied territories, alongside expansive infrastructure, to create new 'facts on the ground'. Israel solidifies its hold on this territory by designating it as ' state land', meaning it no longer recognises Palestinian ownership, further inhibiting the possibility of a future Palestinian state. For example, according to research by Israeli professor Neve Gordon, Jerusalem's municipal boundaries covered approximately seven square kilometres before 1967. Since then, Israeli settlement construction has expanded its eastern boundaries, so it now covers about 70 square km. Israel also uses its Separation Wall or Barrier, which runs for around 700km through the West Bank and East Jerusalem, to further expropriate Palestinian territory. According to a 2013 book by researchers Ariella Azoulay and Adi Ophir, the wall is part of the Israeli government's policy of cleansing Israeli space of any Palestinian presence. It breaks up contiguous Palestinian urban and rural spaces, cutting off some 150 Palestinian communities from their farmland and pastureland. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The barrier is reinforced by other methods of separation, such as checkpoints, earth mounds, roadblocks, trenches, road gates and barriers, and earth walls. Then there is the complex geography of Israel's occupation in the West Bank. Under the Oslo Accords of the 1990s, the West Bank was divided into three areas, labelled Area A, Area B and Area C. In Area A, which consists of 18 per cent of the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority exercises majority control. Area B is under joint Israeli-Palestinian authority. Area C, which comprises 60 per cent of the West Bank, is under full Israeli control. Administrative control was meant to be gradually transferred to Palestinian control under the Oslo Accords, but this never happened. Areas A and B are today separated into many small divisions that remain isolated from one another due to Israeli control over Area C. This deliberate ghettoisation creates separate rules, laws and norms in the West Bank that are intended to prevent freedom of movement between the Palestinian zones and inhibit the realisation of a Palestinian state. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Who will govern a future state? Finally, there are the conditions that Western governments have placed on recognition of a Palestinian state, which rob Palestinians of their agency. Chief among these is the stipulation that Hamas will not play a role in the governance of a future Palestinian state. This has been backed by the Arab League, which has also called for Hamas to disarm and relinquish power in Gaza. Fatah and Hamas are currently the only two movements in Palestinian politics capable of forming a government. In a May poll, 32 per cent of respondents in both Gaza and the West Bank said they preferred Hamas, compared with 21 per cent support for Fatah. One-third did not support either or had no opinion. Mahmoud Abbas, leader of the Palestinian Authority, is deeply unpopular, with 80 per cent of Palestinians wanting him to resign. A 'reformed' Palestinian Authority is the West's preferred option to govern a future Palestinian state. But if Western powers deny Palestinians the opportunity to elect a government of their choosing by dictating who can participate, the new government would likely be seen as illegitimate. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This risks repeating the mistakes of Western attempts to install governments of their choosing in Iraq and Afghanistan. It also plays into the hands of Hamas hardliners, who mistrust democracy and see it as a tool to impose puppet governments in Palestine, as well as Israel's narrative that Palestinians are incapable of governing themselves. Redressing these issues and the myriad others will take time, money and considerable effort. The question is, how much political capital are the leaders of France, the UK, Canada and Australia (and others) willing to expend to ensure their recognition of Palestine results in an actual state? What if Israel refuses to dismantle its settlements and the Separation Wall, and moves ahead with annexing the West Bank? What are these Western leaders willing or able to do? In the past, they have been unwilling to do more than issue strongly worded statements in the face of Israeli refusals to advance the two-state solution. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Given these doubts around the political will and actual power of Western states to compel Israel to agree to the two-state solution, it begs the question: what and who is recognition for? Martin Kear, Sessional Lecturer, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.