
Legislative session crashes with lawmakers unable to set a budget because of Republican infighting
Mississippi Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and other Senate leaders on Saturday excoriated the Republican House leadership, after the House didn't show up for what was supposed to be 'conference weekend' to haggle out a $7 billion budget.
'There is no reasonable explanation for this,' Hosemann said. '… A special session will be very expensive. We just cut taxes, but now we're going to go spend tens of thousands of dollars so (the House) can have the weekend off. I hope they enjoy their weekend off. If anyone sees any of their House members this weekend, they need to ask them, why didn't you do your job? Where were you?
'It's embarrassing,' Hosemann said. 'We all took the same oath … We adopted the rules. We all agreed to be here … If we can't set a budget, that means, for Child Protective Services, we have little girls tonight having to stay in hotel rooms. Teachers can't sign their contracts for their jobs … Highway patrolmen are out there not knowing how much they'll get paid … This is chaotic, and it's senseless.'
The roughly 100 bills that make up the state's annual budget died with Friday and Saturday night deadlines.
To revive the budget bills and end this year's legislative session roughly on time, the House and Senate would have to agree to a parliamentary extension of deadlines and the session, or Gov. Tate Reeves would have to force them into special session sometime before the new budget year starts July 1. Numerous senators, on both sides of the aisle, on Saturday vowed they wouldn't vote for extending the session.
'There really isn't any other option (than the governor calling a special session),' Hosemann said. 'You heard what the senators were saying.'
Besides costing taxpayers easily $100,000 a day to pay, feed and house lawmakers, staff the Capitol and legislative services offices and other expenses, a special session also gives the constitutionally weak governor a little more control over legislation, in that he can control what items are on the agenda.
Lawmakers had expected to end this year's three-month session by the middle of next week, with setting a budget being one of the final chores.
Although they're all Republicans, House and Senate leaders — including Hosemann and Speaker Jason White — have politically clashed for the last two years and had trouble agreeing on major issues. Recently, they passed a tax overhaul bill to the governor that would eliminate the state income tax, long a goal of White and House leaders.
But Senate leaders have cried foul over the manner in which it was passed into law. The House seized on typos in the Senate bill that made it more like the House position, and Gov. Reeves signed it into law.
With the tax battle going on for most of this session and causing ill will, the House and Senate have killed much of each other's other major initiatives and bills.
The House on Friday had announced it was leaving for the weekend and would return Monday.
For the last two years, White has said he wants lawmakers to start negotiating on the budget earlier in the legislative session and try to avoid crunching numbers on the Saturday night deadline, referred to as 'conference weekend,' which happens late in the session.
For years, rank-and-file lawmakers have complained that they often don't have time to read the lengthy budget bills because of the rushed nature of Saturday night budget negotiations, which has also caused lawmakers and staff attorneys in previous years to make mistakes in legislation.
Last session, lawmakers ironed out most of the budget during conference weekend, but White said he told Hosemann that would not be the case this year.
'We're just not going to be up here in the middle of the night doing a hurried budget,' White said. 'We're through doing that from here and all years forward.'
White told reporters that House leaders had signed off on their proposed budget bills and sent them to the Senate before a Friday night deadline. But Hosemann and other Senate leaders on Saturday said that never happened. They said not only did House leaders not send budget bills over, they ghosted Senate budget negotiators most of last week, preventing early agreements being reached. And, Senate leaders said, the House closed its daily journal and docket rooms early at least a couple of days, meaning the Senate couldn't deliver and file bills.
Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula, on Saturday said he suspects discord over the tax overhaul, and the Senate refusing to agree with the House on legalizing online gambling played into the current budget stalemate. But he said he gets along with his House counterparts and the problems are more at the leadership level.
'As much as I respect the speaker, I don't understand this,' Wiggins said. '… Really, what this is doing is holding hostage agencies and the running of state government because of some issues they have … People send us here to get our business done in the 90 days we have. I just want to keep us from becoming like Washington, D.C., because D.C. is not exactly the bastion of efficiency.'
Such a standoff, and potential special session, has loomed over much of the 2025 session, when it appeared the House and Senate would remain at loggerheads over the tax overhaul, until the Senate accidentally agreed with the House with the typos in what it passed.

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Democratic states double down on laws resisting Trump's immigration crackdown
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Among other things, it would let 'any aggrieved person' sue municipalities for alleged violations of the state's Trust Act. Two days after lawmakers gave final approval to the measure, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security included Connecticut on a list of hundreds of 'sanctuary jurisdictions' obstructing the enforcement of federal immigration laws. The list later was removed from the department's website after criticism that it errantly included some local governments that support Trump's immigration policies. States split on whether to aid or resist Trump Since taking office in January, Trump has enlisted hundreds of state and local law enforcement agencies to help identify immigrants in the U.S. illegally and detain them for potential deportation. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement now lists 640 such cooperative agreements, a nearly fivefold increase under Trump. Trump also has lifted longtime rules restricting immigration enforcement near schools , churches and hospitals, and ordered federal prosecutors to investigate state or local officials believed to be interfering with his crackdown on illegal immigration. The Department of Justice sued Colorado, Illinois and New York, as well as several cities in those states and New Jersey , alleging their policies violate the U.S. Constitution or federal immigration laws. Just three weeks after Colorado was sued, Democratic Gov. Jared Polis signed a wide-ranging law expanding the state's protections for immigrants. Among other things, it bars jails from delaying the release of inmates for immigration enforcement and allows penalties of up to $50,000 for public schools, colleges, libraries, child care centers and health care facilities that collect information about people's immigration status, with some exceptions. 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Legislation supporting immigrants takes a variety of forms Democratic-led states are pursuing a wide range of means to protect immigrants. A new Oregon law bars landlords from inquiring about the immigration status of tenants or applicants. New laws in Washington declare it unprofessional conduct for bail bond agents to enforce civil immigration warrants, prohibit employers from using immigration status to threaten workers and let employees use paid sick leave to attend immigration proceedings for themselves or family members. Vermont last month repealed a state law that let law enforcement agencies enter into immigration enforcement agreements with federal authorities during state or national emergencies. They now need special permission from the governor to do so. As passed by the House, Maryland legislation also would have barred local governments from reaching immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government. 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Many new measures reinforce existing policies Though legislation advancing in Democratic states may shield against Trump's policies, 'I would say it's more so to send a message to immigrant communities to let them know that they are welcome,' said Juan Avilez, a policy associate at the American Immigration Council, a nonprofit advocacy group. In California, a law that took effect in 2018 already requires public schools to adopt policies 'limiting assistance with immigration enforcement to the fullest extent possible.' Some schools have readily applied the law. When DHS officers attempted a welfare check on migrant children at two Los Angeles elementary schools in April, they were denied access by both principals. Legislation passed by the state Senate would reinforce such policies by specifically requiring a judicial warrant for public schools to let immigration authorities into nonpublic areas, allow students to be questioned or disclose information about students and their families. 'Having ICE in our schools means that you'll have parents who will not want to send their kids to school at all,' Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener said in support of the bill. But some Republicans said the measure was 'injecting partisan immigration policies' into schools. 'We have yet to see a case in California where we have scary people in masks entering schools and ripping children away,' said state Sen. Marie Alvarado-Gil. 'Let's stop these fear tactics that do us an injustice.' ___ Associated Press writers Susan Haigh, Trân Nguyễn, Jesse Bedayn, John O'Connor and Brian Witte contributed to this report. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? 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