
Housing's on Fire, and the Election's Just the Gas Can
The Contributors Corner , where Michael Succurro from Spark Financial and I shed a spotlight on topics that could impact your portfolios and build a bridge between unsuspected sectors.
If you're a Canadian hoping to own a home—or just curious whether that dream's already torched—you might want to look past the usual campaign slogans and into the tangled mess of real estate economics unraveling across the country.
Let's not sugarcoat this: Home prices have decoupled from reality. The average house in Canada is now north of $700,000, and if you're eyeing anything in Toronto or Vancouver, you'd better be prepared to shell out well over a million. But here's the kicker: wages didn't get the memo. And in places like Vancouver, renters are now entering bidding wars just for a roof over their heads.
The great Canadian housing crunch isn't just a social issue anymore. It's a full-blown capital markets story—and with the federal election looming, housing is the matchstick both major parties are playing with.
Voters are being hit with polar visions of the fix. The Conservatives are going full throttle on deregulation—cutting red tape, pressuring municipalities, and sweet-talking private developers to bring supply online faster. The Liberals are running a different playbook: national programs, rent-to-own incentives, and social housing as the new frontier.
But here's the million-dollar question for voters—and investors: Can either side realistically cool the market without first solving the bottlenecks choking the system?
Because unless we unlock supply and skilled labour now, no policy promise matters. CMHC says we'll need 3.5 million new homes by 2030. Not want— need . That's a big number, and we're nowhere close. Permits take years, labour is scarce, and the cost of materials is still punching homeowners in the gut.
Builders are bailing mid-project, converting unsold units into rentals. Courts are so jammed it's practically impossible to enforce contracts when buyers walk away. It's chaos behind the drywall—and this election could determine whether we deal with it or delay until the next crash.
Foreign investment's still being treated like the villain in a bad movie, but it's far from the root of the problem. Yes, nobody liked the optics of an offshore buyer scooping up entire condo floors. But turning off the tap of global capital didn't flood the market with affordable homes—it just dried up another funding source. The ban was political red meat, not structural reform.
Meanwhile, campaign promises around mortgage rules sound like lifelines—but could become anchors. Longer amortizations, easier borrowing, loosened stress tests… they all sound great until you realize we've been here before. Lowering the bar for entry without upping supply only drives prices higher.
And Canada's still clinging to outdated mortgage structures. Five-year terms dominate, locking borrowers into cyclical shocks. South of the border? Thirty-year fixed rates are the norm. That's why American homeowners who locked in during Covid aren't sweating today's rates—while Canadians brace for a financial gut-punch on renewal.
The housing crisis is also splintering by region. Affordability isn't just dying in Toronto and Vancouver anymore—it's flatlining in suburbs, exurbs, and rural communities. And don't even start on the lack of Indigenous housing infrastructure or the gaps facing Atlantic Canada and the North. Campaign platforms talk a big game, but none of it sticks unless policy adapts to Canada's diverse, decentralized housing landscape.
That's the heart of this election. Not just 'Who's going to win?' but 'What kind of housing future are we actually voting for?' Will it be a nation that builds fast and frees up markets? Or one that doubles down on subsidies and strategies that look great in headlines but flop on the ground?
Whether you're a homeowner, investor, renter, or real estate junkie, this isn't just about party politics—it's about portfolio impact. And what comes next could determine whether Gen Z ever owns a home or if Canada doubles down on becoming a nation of permanent renters.
Housing isn't just an issue anymore. It's the issue. And your vote? It might just be the only affordable investment left in this market.
This episode is a must-listen for anyone tracking the intersection of real estate, investing, and the upcoming federal election.
🎧 Listen now to find out why housing is the ballot-box issue of 2025—and how the outcome could reshape not just policy, but the very foundation of wealth creation in Canada.
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Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. Amidst the confusion, the answer is clear. The rules-based trade framework embodied in the Canada-U.S. Mexico agreement (CUSMA) and its free trade predecessors (NAFTA, Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement) has, for now, held. Perhaps the most disturbing thing about Canada's inability to reach a bilateral deal with the U.S. last month was not the 10 per cent tariff bump on CUSMA non-compliant exports. It was the fact that Canada's negotiators did not find out until the very last minute that the CUSMA framework had survived President Trump's Sharpie in signing his July 31 executive order on Canada. In what is being called the 'CUSMA carve-out,' up to 95 per cent of Canada's non-energy exports face free or very low-tariff access to the U.S. market as long as they comply with CUSMA rules. 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A year ago, some Canadian exporters of, say, widgets considered the expenses of complying with CUSMA's widget rules of origin to be greater than the cost of absorbing the minimal U.S. widget tariff applied to other countries shipping widgets to the U.S. This tariff, known in WTO terms as the most favoured nation rate, was on average less than two per cent for exports to the U.S. Now that this average tariff has soared to 35 per cent for Canadian widgets, exporters are reportedly scrambling to get inside the CUSMA-compliant tent to secure the duty-free access they had foregone before. The CUSMA carveout does not apply to extraordinary Trump tariff levies on key sectors of Canada's exports including automobiles (25 per cent on non-U.S. content) and steel, aluminum and copper (all at 50 per cent). Nor does it have bearing on the ever-growing levies on our softwood lumber exports which, through a process initiated under the Biden administration, is on track to face tariffs in the range of 35 per cent by the end of this year. In the topsy-turvy world of U.S. trade deals, several countries have agreed to accept tariffs at much higher levels with fewer carveouts and some extraordinary commitments. For example, at the end of July, the EU agreed to suspend over 93 million euros of retaliatory tariffs against U.S. imports in return for accepting a tariff of up to 15 per cent on its exports to the U.S. (The previous average rate had been 1.2 per cent). In addition, the EU has also agreed to buy an additional $750 billion in U.S. energy products over the next three years and make $600 billion in investments in 'various U.S. sectors' by 2029. These undertakings have been made with a handshake without any indication if the EU intends to press European enterprises that would actually be doing the business to meet these commitments. Several other handshake deals contain similar commitments — such as the U.S.'s deals with Japan ($550 billion US in investment commitments) and the Republic of Korea ($350 billion USD in investment commitments and $100 billion USD purchase of U.S. natural gas). So far, Canada has made no such commitments. Amidst the chaos of tariff changes and industry trade adjustment packages, it's sometimes hard to see Canada's CUSMA advantage. However, the advantage is real and is, for now, holding. CUSMA is a formal trade agreement not a handshake. The agreement, which came into effect in 2020, was the result of a negotiation initiated in President Trump's first term to replace NAFTA, which he had called 'the worst trade deal in history' We should be constantly reminding him that CUSMA is his agreement — the 'Art of the Deal' magician at the top of his game. Importantly, CUSMA was approved into law by the U.S. Congress in. As such, it cannot be simply torn up by a U.S. President in a foul mood — for now, at least. This shifts the focus to CUSMA's renewal, which is scheduled for a review in July 2026. At that time, the parties may recommend revisions to the agreement which, if agreed, would extend the agreement by another 10 years. If, however, any party wishes to withdraw from CUSMA they need only provide six months notice Despite being the author of the agreement, it's hard to believe that Mr. Trump will be in the mood to accept a few tweaks here and there as he arguably did in the conversion of NAFTA to CUSMA. Moreover, we are already hearing a slow and steady drumbeat that CUSMA renewal talks will be advanced — perhaps as early as the end of this year. What is apparent is that trade with our largest trading partner will be framed in the future by more complicated rules and restrictions. In addition to some tariffs, we can expect tighter rules-of-origin and more quantitative restrictions on our exports to the U.S., making trade more managed than free. The era of relatively friction-free trade and just-in-time supply lines is, for now, on a death watch. It is imperative that CUSMA can adapt to this new reality. Canada's trade negotiators will need to demonstrate a greater degree of creativity and resilience than has been needed in the ancient normal times. At the same time, we need to aggressively building a new trade profile that is more diversified and less dependent on our isolationist America First neighbour. CUSMA is Canada's most important economic agreement delivering significant benefits for an open economy such as ours. Over almost four decades of free trade, our exports to the U.S. have grown to constitute a full quarter of Canada's GDP. No small share. The world is changing rapidly and Canada needs CUSMA to safely evolve with it. We need agreed rules and commitments that can govern what will still be our largest trade relationship for a long time to come. As Prime Minister Carney is fond of saying 'A plan beats no plan' and, I might add, a treaty beats a handshake. Stuart Culbertson is a former deputy minister in the government of B.C. He served as B.C. trade representative during the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiations