Rich Miner Positioned to Capitalize on Market Momentum as Trump Signals Possible Bitcoin Shift
President Donald Trump's upcoming 100-day speech has drawn growing attention from the cryptocurrency world. Even without formal policy action, signaling support for crypto as part of an economic nationalist agenda could further embed Bitcoin into the national conversation—fueling renewed investor enthusiasm.
As anticipation builds, Rich Miner, a global cloud mining platform, is emerging as a leading option for investors seeking to capitalize on market momentum and generate meaningful passive income.
Why Rich Miner?
Founded in 2022 and headquartered in the United Kingdom, Rich Miner is a compliant cryptocurrency investment company specializing in cloud mining. By sharing AI-powered computing resources, users can mine Bitcoin without purchasing costly equipment. The platform prioritizes transparency with real-time daily earnings and has earned the trust of over 5 million users worldwide.
Key Features
How to Get Started
Sample Contracts
Conclusion
With Bitcoin's resurgence, Rich Miner offers a simple, secure way to tap into crypto earnings—no setup required. To learn more, visit richminer.com or contact [email protected].
About Rich Miner
Rich Miner provides users with a convenient cryptocurrency investment channel, making cloud mining simpler and more efficient. For more information, visit richminer.com.
Media Contact
Rich Miner
[email protected]
###
SOURCE: Rich Miner
Copyright 2025 EZ Newswire
https://app.eznewswire.com/news/rich-miner-positioned-to-capitalize-on-market-momentum-as-trump-signals-possible-bitcoin-shift
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New York Times
12 minutes ago
- New York Times
Leeds United Transfer DealSheet: Summer window latest, key positions and available players
Leeds United are heading into arguably the most important summer transfer window anyone can remember. After the crushing blow of last year's Wembley loss, Daniel Farke guided Leeds to the Championship title last month. Owner 49ers Enterprises finally has the golden ticket to the Premier League it has waited for. Chairman Paraag Marathe is anxious to ensure nobody connected with the club has to go through another relegation. Advertisement Recent history is against them as a newly-promoted outfit and they know they need to nail virtually every transfer during this window. Farke has to retain the heart and soul of his champions, but retool and upgrade where possible to keep the team in the league. The Athletic's Beren Cross has taken a look. As chairman, ultimate responsibility for everything at Leeds United rests with Marathe. However, the American has repeatedly talked up the collaboration between several key voices at the top of the club. Daniel Farke's appointment as manager, rather than head coach, in 2023 was a deliberate distinction. The German has had a lot of control over the past two years and, speaking after the Championship title was confirmed, Marathe said if there was a player Farke did not want, United did not recruit them. In the same interview on Farke's control this summer, the 49ers Enterprises chief said: 'We're going to work very collaboratively, probably with a little bit more focus on making sure we're making the right group decisions because, let's be honest, there's more at stake now — more money, more jeopardy.' Over the past 12 months, key voices have moved away from the Elland Road coalface. Technical director Gretar Steinsson stepped up to a 49ers Enterprises role, head of recruitment Jordan Miles left in November and chief executive Angus Kinnear has taken interim football advisor Nick Hammond with him to Everton. Robbie Evans, who first worked with Marathe at San Francisco 49ers in 2010, has been promoted to managing director at Leeds following Kinnear's departure. Adam Underwood has graduated through the ranks to become sporting director and, despite his inexperience, is already building a positive reputation in the game. Alex Davies, who has been with the club for more than a decade, has also worked his way up to become head of recruitment after impressing Marathe since the 2023 takeover. Marathe, Farke, Evans, Underwood and Davies are the key men this summer. It may be easier to rank each position in priority order because there is justification for looking at every position on the pitch after promotion. The most glaring hole in the team is between the posts. Goalkeepers Illan Meslier and Karl Darlow remain under contract, but the former has had the latest in a series of poor campaigns and the latter failed to win Farke over until the 89th of his 95 league matches at the helm. In a season where Leeds' goal is expected to be under extended pressure, they need a stellar stopper to keep them up. If survival is decided in both boxes, that also means a first-rate striker will be targeted this summer. Joel Piroe could not have done much more to prove himself after last season's Golden Boot and 32 goals in 88 league appearances for United. However, while Farke will give him the chance he has earned in the Premier League, survival cannot be staked on a striker with zero experience at that level. Neither can it be put on the shoulders of Patrick Bamford after nearly four years of inconsistent game time. With Junior Firpo and Sam Byram out of contract, left-back leaps out as another priority area for the recruitment team. First-choice starters at centre-back, left-wing and No 10 look important too. Farke will want the backing he felt he never had at Norwich City after his two promotions with them. Since United's ascent was confirmed, the manager has been asked about the lessons he learned from those ill-fated experiences in the top flight and he was not shy in spelling out how little money was spent at Carrow Road. Advertisement Since arriving in July 2023, the 48-year-old has maintained he wants to build a sustainable, long-term vision with Leeds and establish them in the Premier League. Marathe has also talked about future planning instead of the pay-as-you-go approach he felt Andrea Radrizzani took during the club's last top-flight visit. Farke has not discussed positions for this summer window, but did show a penchant for reunions with former players in the Championship. Byram played under Farke at Norwich City, while Max Aarons got as far as the training ground before pulling the plug on a transfer and Emi Buendia was pursued over several windows. That's no guarantee Aarons and Buendia will be chased again, but it's one trend we have seen from Farke up to this point. Very few accurate transfer links to Leeds have emerged as of June 6. Planning for a Premier League summer has been in the works for more than six months and targets are being sounded out, but with pre-season a month away and the new season another five weeks after that, it's early days. Fulham's Rodrigo Muniz, who has averaged a goal every 150 minutes in the Premier League over the past two seasons, is one striker Leeds have made enquiries about. Club sources, speaking anonymously to protect relationships, have acknowledged the Muniz interest, but feel other strikers on their shortlist are more likely to be recruited at this stage. The 24-year-old has one year remaining on his Fulham contract, but the club does have the option to extend that by a further year. Marco Silva's side may look to extend the Brazilian's deal this summer, but he played second fiddle to Raul Jimenez last season with only eight league starts. If we start at the back and move forward, Meslier will be a candidate for sale. The French goalkeeper has another year to run on his contract, but it would be hugely surprising to see him start next season as number one or as a willing understudy. The 25-year-old will not fetch anything like the price Leeds could have got for him in 2021, but his negligible book value should mean they make a useful margin for their profit and sustainability (PSR) calculations. Injuries during last season robbed Max Wober of any chance to redeem himself after 2023's desertion, so he would make for an easy sale this summer. Any fee over £5million ($6.8m) would generate a PSR profit on the books. Darko Gyabi, Sam Greenwood and Joe Gelhardt are virtually guaranteed to get little or no game time next season. They will be 22, 24 and 24 respectively when the 2026-27 season starts. Unless the club expects meteoric developments in 2025-26, all three should be candidates for sale this summer. Jack Harrison has been away on loan for two years and has done little to catch the eye at Everton. Farke's feelings on the winger are unknown, but we know he has been open to reintegrating loanees in the past. A book value below £3m does mean Leeds could bank PSR profit on Harrison, but will any club get near his wages? If the club is desperate to bolster its PSR position, the likes of Pascal Struijk and Wilfried Gnonto would generate the biggest profits after low-sum arrivals. James Debayo, if he signs the club's contract offer, Sam Chambers and Charlie Crew are the likeliest candidates for loans. Gyabi is feasible too, but Greenwood and Gelhardt make more sense as permanent exits. Loaning out Harrison again would get his wages off the books and kick the can down the road, but surely all parties would prefer a more permanent resolution. Josuha Guilavogui's contract will expire at the end of the month, while Firpo and Byram have been made offers to stay. Whether they accept is another matter. Rasmus Kristensen's pre-agreed transfer to Eintracht Frankfurt officially went through when the window opened on June 1. As we reported earlier this month, The Athletic believes Leeds have an estimated pre-tax loss limit of £42m for the 2024-25 campaign. Our report also indicates Leeds are not expecting to need to sell before July 1 in order to satisfy their PSR obligations. Beyond July 1, United's available budget is hard to predict. We know, after next year in the top flight, their permitted losses for 2023 to 2026 will be £61m. It is hard to predict how much they will raise from sales this summer, as well as how much capital they take from shareholders for transfers specifically. Ultimately, as with every promoted club, it's going to be tight and Leeds want to live on the limit with every available pound spent on staying up. (Top photos: Getty Images)
Hamilton Spectator
15 minutes ago
- Hamilton Spectator
The 911 presidency: Trump flexes emergency powers in his second term
WASHINGTON (AP) — Call it the 911 presidency. Despite insisting that the United States is rebounding from calamity under his watch, President Donald Trump is harnessing emergency powers unlike any of his predecessors. Whether it's leveling punishing tariffs , deploying troops to the border or sidelining environmental regulations , Trump has relied on rules and laws intended only for use in extraordinary circumstances like war and invasion. An analysis by The Associated Press shows that 30 of Trump's 150 executive orders have cited some kind of emergency power or authority, a rate that far outpaces his recent predecessors. The result is a redefinition of how presidents can wield power. Instead of responding to an unforeseen crisis, Trump is using emergency powers to supplant Congress' authority and advance his agenda. 'What's notable about Trump is the enormous scale and extent, which is greater than under any modern president,' said Ilya Somin, who is representing five U.S. businesses who sued the administration, claiming they were harmed by Trump's so-called 'Liberation Day' tariffs. Because Congress has the power to set trade policy under the Constitution, the businesses convinced a federal trade court that Trump overstepped his authority by claiming an economic emergency to impose the tariffs. An appeals court has paused that ruling while the judges review it. Growing concerns over actions The legal battle is a reminder of the potential risks of Trump's strategy. Judges traditionally have given presidents wide latitude to exercise emergency powers that were created by Congress. However, there's growing concern that Trump is pressing the limits when the U.S. is not facing the kinds of threats such actions are meant to address. 'The temptation is clear,' said Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Brennan Center's Liberty and National Security Program and an expert in emergency powers. 'What's remarkable is how little abuse there was before, but we're in a different era now.' Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., who has drafted legislation that would allow Congress to reassert tariff authority, said he believed the courts would ultimately rule against Trump in his efforts to single-handedly shape trade policy. 'It's the Constitution. James Madison wrote it that way, and it was very explicit,' Bacon said of Congress' power over trade. 'And I get the emergency powers, but I think it's being abused. When you're trying to do tariff policy for 80 countries, that's policy, not emergency action.' The White House pushed back on such concerns, saying Trump is justified in aggressively using his authority. 'President Trump is rightfully enlisting his emergency powers to quickly rectify four years of failure and fix the many catastrophes he inherited from Joe Biden — wide open borders, wars in Ukraine and Gaza, radical climate regulations, historic inflation, and economic and national security threats posed by trade deficits,' White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said. Trump frequently sites 1977 law to justify actions Of all the emergency powers, Trump has most frequently cited the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, or IEEPA, to justify slapping tariffs on imports. The law, enacted in 1977, was intended to limit some of the expansive authority that had been granted to the presidency decades earlier. It is only supposed to be used when the country faces 'an unusual and extraordinary threat' from abroad 'to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States.' In analyzing executive orders issued since 2001, the AP found that Trump has invoked the law 21 times in presidential orders and memoranda. President George W. Bush, grappling with the aftermath of the most devastating terror attack on U.S. soil, invoked the law just 14 times in his first term. Likewise, Barack Obama invoked the act only 21 times during his first term, when the U.S. economy faced the worst economic collapse since the Great Depression. The Trump administration has also deployed an 18th century law, the Alien Enemies Act , to justify deporting Venezuelan migrants to other countries, including El Salvador. Trump's decision to invoke the law relies on allegations that the Venezuelan government coordinates with the Tren de Aragua gang, but intelligence officials did not reach that conclusion. Congress has ceded its power to the presidency Congress has granted emergency powers to the presidency over the years, acknowledging that the executive branch can act more swiftly than lawmakers if there is a crisis. There are 150 legal powers — including waiving a wide variety of actions that Congress has broadly prohibited — that can only be accessed after declaring an emergency. In an emergency, for example, an administration can suspend environmental regulations, approve new drugs or therapeutics, take over the transportation system, or even override bans on testing biological or chemical weapons on human subjects, according to a list compiled by the Brennan Center for Justice. Democrats and Republicans have pushed the boundaries over the years. For example, in an attempt to cancel federal student loan debt, Joe Biden used a post-Sept. 11 law that empowered education secretaries to reduce or eliminate such obligations during a national emergency. The U.S. Supreme Court eventually rejected his effort , forcing Biden to find different avenues to chip away at his goals. Before that, Bush pursued warrantless domestic wiretapping and Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered the detention of Japanese-Americans on the West Coast in camps for the duration of World War II. Trump, in his first term, sparked a major fight with Capitol Hill when he issued a national emergency to compel construction of a border wall. Though Congress voted to nullify his emergency declaration, lawmakers could not muster up enough Republican support to overcome Trump's eventual veto. 'Presidents are using these emergency powers not to respond quickly to unanticipated challenges,' said John Yoo, who as a Justice Department official under George W. Bush helped expand the use of presidential authorities. 'Presidents are using it to step into a political gap because Congress chooses not to act.' Trump, Yoo said, 'has just elevated it to another level.' Trump's allies support his moves Conservative legal allies of the president also said Trump's actions are justified, and Vice President JD Vance predicted the administration would prevail in the court fight over tariff policy. 'We believe — and we're right — that we are in an emergency,' Vance said last week in an interview with Newsmax. 'You have seen foreign governments, sometimes our adversaries, threaten the American people with the loss of critical supplies,' Vance said. 'I'm not talking about toys, plastic toys. I'm talking about pharmaceutical ingredients. I'm talking about the critical pieces of the manufacturing supply chain.' Vance continued, 'These governments are threatening to cut us off from that stuff, that is by definition, a national emergency.' Republican and Democratic lawmakers have tried to rein in a president's emergency powers. Two years ago, a bipartisan group of lawmakers in the House and Senate introduced legislation that would have ended a presidentially-declared emergency after 30 days unless Congress votes to keep it in place. It failed to advance. Similar legislation hasn't been introduced since Trump's return to office. Right now, it effectively works in the reverse, with Congress required to vote to end an emergency. 'He has proved to be so lawless and reckless in so many ways. Congress has a responsibility to make sure there's oversight and safeguards,' said Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., who cosponsored an emergency powers reform bill in the previous session of Congress. He argued that, historically, leaders relying on emergency declarations has been a 'path toward autocracy and suppression.' Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
Hamilton Spectator
15 minutes ago
- Hamilton Spectator
A Virginia Democrat hunts for votes in rural pockets where MAGA has strengthened its grip
CULPEPER, Va. (AP) — Democratic politics in rural Virginia are not of a bygone era, according to Abigail Spanberger. The former congressional representative, now the Democratic nominee in the race to be Virginia's next governor , posts videos online of herself sitting in a car on an interstate highway that goes up and down the Appalachian Mountains. She has toured a small, family-owned oyster shucking and packaging operation along a quiet boat haven on the northern neck of Virginia. And last month, the nominee held a news conference at a small pharmacy in an agrarian hamlet outside of Richmond. In 2020, Spanberger narrowly ran ahead of former President Joe Biden in her congressional district, and she posted her best results by comparison in rural counties that heavily favored President Donald Trump, including Nottoway, Powhatan, Amelia and Louisa, according to an Associated Press analysis. It's a challenge that might be growing more formidable with each passing election cycle. Trump made gains in those counties in 2024, data show, and Republicans think they have solidified a shift in their direction in rural areas. In Virginia, rural residents made up about 2 in 10 voters last November, according to AP VoteCast. About 6 in 10 small-town or rural voters voted for the Republican candidate in the last two presidential elections and the last two midterm congressional elections. Spanberger became the nominee when no other Democrats ran for governor. Her opponent in the general election, Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears , was the only Republican who gathered enough signatures to qualify for the top of the GOP ticket, leaving both parties with no contested race at the top of their June 17 primary ballots. A spokesperson for Earle-Sears said in an email that Spanberger's efforts to portray herself as an advocate for small-town Virginians would fall short. 'Rural voters see right through the rhetoric,' said press secretary Peyton Vogel. 'Democrats consistently push policies that hurt energy jobs, raise costs, and grow Washington DC's overreach. That's not a winning message in communities that value freedom, faith, and hard work.' Still, Spanberger seems determined to campaign beyond known Democratic strongholds, vying to winnow down conservative votes in ruby-red parts of Virginia. From the rolling hills of the Piedmont, where Trump won last year by some 20 points, to the Roanoke valley out west, Spanberger is seeking voters in the districts where Democrats once were competitive but Republicans now rule. 'We have to show how we govern,' Spanberger said in explaining her messaging. 'And the governing isn't just standing up to Donald Trump. It is clear and consequential, right?' Last month, Spanberger sat in a booth by the window of Frost Cafe in downtown Culpeper, Virginia, in the Piedmont region between Washington and Charlottesville. As she drank her coffee in the small town that was once part of her congressional district, constituents tapped on the window, pressing their noses to the glass and making hearts with their hands. A young boy hid behind a newspaper stand, peeking up at Spanberger as if she were a celebrity. When his family began to walk away, he knocked on the window and waved. Spanberger's presence in Trump territory comes as Democrats have nationally shown renewed interest in small-town America, launching listening tours in Kentucky, courting Minnesota farmers and looking for other ways to connect. In some ways, rural Virginia feels like Spanberger's home turf. Once a member of the U.S. House Committee on Agriculture, she has built a legacy tethered to touring farms and strolling through small towns where everybody knows everybody. She focused on low-profile , bucolic-minded bills such as expanding broadband , which was incorporated into the bipartisan infrastructure law passed by Congress in 2021. She helped pass another law making it easier for farmers and forestry professionals to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. Some analysts say Trump's pillaging of federal contracts and volatile tariffs have given Spanberger and the Democrats an opening. 'If you look at the trade, if you look at Trump's tariffs, those have a huge impact on the price of agricultural products,' said Stephen Farnsworth, a political science professor at the University of Mary Washington. 'The potential reduction in Medicaid, that's another area where there's going to be a disproportionate impact on rural areas.' Cue Spanberger's eight-point plan to make healthcare coverage more affordable in Southwest Virginia, which was published just as Congress weighs a budget bill that the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates could reduce the number of people with health care by 8.6 million over a decade . Neal Osborne, a Bristol councilman representing the nearly 18,000-person city along the border with Tennessee, said Medicaid expansion and healthcare are top of mind for many people there. He pointed out that 150 people showed up when Spanberger visited Bristol back in January. 'We are a Republican stronghold,' said Osborne, who already has endorsed the Democrat. 'But if you do 2% better with southwest Virginia, that could be your margin of victory in a statewide. ... I am willing to go on a limb to say she will be back in southwest between now and before the election.' It's a strategy Spanberger has tapped before. After winning a tea party district in 2018, which had been represented by Republicans for decades, the moderate Democrat made a point of working on behalf of conservative strongholds in her district. Her ability to connect with farmers, fishermen and agricultural interests helped her keep her seat for three terms. Michael Carter Jr., of Carter Farms, said he was one of those rural constituents. A Black farmer in Orange County, he said that while Spanberger was in office, there was a continual back-and-forth between her staff and his family, which has owned their farm since 1910. He and his father would see her staff at community events. Spanberger's office asked for his feedback on legislation, he said. It was a meaningful relationship he had with a politician, and that meant something to him. 'It's not always the case that small farmers or even African Americans really feel like we get our voices heard,' Carter said. ___ Olivia Diaz is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. ___ The Associated Press' women in the workforce and state government coverage receives financial support from Pivotal Ventures. The AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
