logo
Where Do We Begin? War, Losses, and Reconstruction in Sudan** (part 1)

Where Do We Begin? War, Losses, and Reconstruction in Sudan** (part 1)

Al Taghyeer02-05-2025

Where Do We Begin? War, Losses, and Reconstruction in Sudan** (part 1)
Omer Sidahmed
April 2025
Introduction
Since the outbreak of war in Sudan in April 2023, now entering its third year, Sudan has been enduring a major humanitarian and economic tragedy. As fighting continues and its reach expands, the lives of millions have turned into a genuine catastrophe. Amidst this dark situation, statements and initiatives discussing reconstruction have emerged, even though the war has not ceased.
Among these are circulated recordings about an alleged agreement between the Sudanese military leadership and some Egyptian parties, where an Egyptian spokesperson mentioned that the cost of reconstruction could exceed one hundred billion dollars, with Egyptian companies undertaking projects in exchange for Sudanese gold.
Discussing reconstruction before the war definitively stops seems absurd. There is no peace, stability, or real building while the sound of gunfire drowns out the voice of life. Moreover, the promoted Egyptian companies lack the technical expertise required to manage projects of this scale [1].
Economic and Humanitarian Losses: Frightening Figures
The Agricultural Sector: The Broken Backbone
Agriculture used to provide livelihoods for about 70% of the population [2]. With the continuation of the war, more than 50% of agricultural lands have become out of production, especially in the Gezira, Sennar, White Nile, Kordofan, and Darfur regions [3]. The suspension of the Gezira Scheme, the most important irrigated agricultural project in Africa, has crippled the production of cotton, peanuts, and wheat. Direct losses to the agricultural sector are estimated to exceed 20 billion dollars [4].
The Industrial Sector: Total Collapse
Industrial activity was previously concentrated in Khartoum and several major cities. With escalating military operations, over 60% of industrial facilities have been fully or partially destroyed [5]. Estimated financial losses in the industrial sector reach about 70 billion dollars. The breakdown of supply chains and migration of skilled industrial workforce have aggravated unemployment and deepened the economic collapse [6].
The Health Sector: A System in Collapse
Sudan has witnessed an almost total collapse of its healthcare system, with more than 70% of hospitals and health centers either shutting down or being destroyed [7]. Infectious diseases such as cholera, malaria, and dengue fever have spread extensively [8]. According to the World Health Organization [9], Sudan faces one of the worst health catastrophes in its recent history, with material losses in the sector exceeding 13 billion dollars.
Epidemic Outbreaks: A Parallel Health Disaster
The health system collapse led to widespread outbreaks of cholera, malaria, and dengue fever [9]. The lack of health monitoring, collapse of water and sanitation infrastructure, and halted vaccination campaigns contributed to severe epidemic flare-ups, doubling death rates especially among children and the elderly.
The Education Sector: A Crime Against the Future
Over 18 million children and youth have lost their educational opportunities due to the ongoing war [10]. Thousands of schools have been destroyed or converted into displaced persons' camps, paralyzing education throughout much of Sudan, risking the loss of an entire generation.
The Banking Sector: A Fatal Blow
About 70% of major bank headquarters and branches were concentrated in Khartoum before the war, most of which have been destroyed or looted [11]. This has led to paralysis of the banking system, the spread of parallel informal economy, and collapse of the Sudanese pound.
The Export Sector: Unstoppable Bleeding
Agricultural and livestock exports dropped by more than 80% [12]. Meanwhile, gold and crop smuggling through Sudanese ports has increased, allegedly with the complicity of some military leaders [13].
Poverty and Famine: Another Face of Destruction
Over 70% of the population lives below the poverty line [14]. Approximately 17.7 million people face acute food insecurity [15], with silent famine spreading across several regions and insufficient humanitarian aid response.
The Suffering of Displaced Persons and Refugees
The conflict has internally displaced over 10 million Sudanese [16], living in camps lacking basic living conditions. About 2 million refugees have fled to neighboring countries such as Egypt, Chad, South Sudan, and Ethiopia, facing harsh conditions and lack of basic services.
Paid Media: Manufacturing Falsehoods and Misleading the Public
Alongside military destruction, media aligned with the former regime have been highly active through heavily funded channels that falsify facts, fuel ethnic hatred, and smear peaceful civil society movements [17].

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition
Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition

Al Taghyeer

time23-05-2025

  • Al Taghyeer

Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition

Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition By: Omer Sidahmed May 2025 From State Economy to Loot Economy Sudan's shadow economy didn't arise in a vacuum. It wasn't formed on the margins of the state — it emerged from its very core. Over decades, it became a central tool in the hands of a militarized system comprising the army, intelligence agencies, and militias. These forces forged alliances with Islamist political networks to entrench control over the state and society. With the eruption of the revolution and then the outbreak of war, the true nature of this economy became clear: not just a source of illicit wealth, but a fuel for conflict, a platform for distorting public consciousness, and a shield protecting power networks from collapse. An Economy Without — and Against — the State Sudan's shadow economy has evolved beyond the traditional definition of informal activities. It is now a structured system operating outside the state, financing, smuggling, exporting, and militarizing with no oversight or accountability. It manifests in the smuggling of gold from conflict zones via armed and politically protected routes across borders, in currency trading that sustains the parallel market outside the banking system, and in a web of foreign trade activities managed by a small elite tied to security apparatuses. These include fuel import companies shielded by the remnants of the former regime, as well as informal financial transfers that sustain the war economy. Estimates suggest that between 50% and 80% of Sudan's gold production is smuggled out of official channels. The country's gold smuggling losses over the past decade are estimated at no less than $23 billion — and possibly as high as $36.8 billion. These numbers highlight the catastrophic economic impact of the shadow economy, and how gold has shifted from a national resource to a secret source of war funding and elite enrichment. From Sanctions to Domination: The Birth of a Hidden Alliance During the years of U.S. sanctions, alternative networks for trade and finance emerged, led by businessmen and security-linked institutions aligned with the regime. Instead of addressing the crisis through national alternatives, the state opened the market to a parasitic class that thrived in the shadows, becoming the economic arm of the ruling power. Even after sanctions were lifted in 2020, this structure was not dismantled — it deepened. Following the October 25 coup, these networks reasserted control over markets and resources, initiating a new phase: converting the shadow economy into a direct war-financing mechanism. Rentierism: The Structural Foundation of the Shadow Economy One of the deep-rooted causes behind the swelling of Sudan's shadow economy is the dominance of a rentier economy — the prevailing model since independence. Sudan has historically relied on raw material exports with no added value: from cotton and oilseeds in the 1960s and 70s, to oil in the 2000s, and finally to gold after South Sudan's secession in 2011. This dependency has left the country vulnerable to external markets and lacking an independent domestic production base. Under authoritarian regimes and institutional corruption, the revenues from these resources were not invested in sustainable development. Instead, they were redistributed through patronage networks favoring ruling elites and security agencies. Rather than being a driver for development, the rentier model became a breeding ground for the shadow economy. Crucially, this economy did not emerge from the peripheries, as often assumed — it was born and nurtured in the center, within state institutions themselves, with complicity from the ruling elite. It became a tool for unofficial financing and consolidating political and military power. In this way, rentierism fused with corruption and militarization to create a parallel economy — not based on production, but on looting, not governed by law, but shielded by it. Arms and Narcotics Trade: The Forbidden Face of the Shadow Economy One of the most dangerous aspects of the shadow economy is the involvement of the ruling system in arms and narcotics trafficking. During the Al-Ingaz regime, documented reports from media and social platforms revealed incidents of 'drug containers' arriving in or passing through Sudan under the protection or complicity of security agencies. Though hidden from public view, this trade became a covert funding source for war, a tool for militia recruitment, and a means of money laundering that expanded the influence of power centers. A Funded War on Awareness: Media as a Weapon Against Civilian Rule The shadow economy doesn't just fund weapons; it also fuels a war for control over public consciousness. This media campaign is managed from hubs outside Sudan — in capitals such as Cairo, Istanbul, Dubai, and Doha — led by media figures from the former regime and affiliated ideological-security networks. These groups produce funded content on social media that justifies the war, demonizes revolutionary forces, rallies public opinion against civilian transition, and promotes the continuation of a war that has displaced millions, killed thousands, and devastated the country. The objective isn't only to suppress armed revolution, but to assassinate the very idea of a civilian state. Democracy is portrayed as a threat to stability, while military rule is presented as the only option for national unity — a blatant embodiment of state and societal militarization. Dismantling the System: Not Administrative Reform, But a Long-Term Struggle The dismantling of Sudan's shadow economy cannot be viewed as an administrative or legal procedure — especially in the context of an open war, institutional collapse, and military control over economic lifelines. This system won't fall through decisive victory alone, but through the erosion of its absolute control, when cracks begin to show in the regime's security and economic structure. Despite the militarization of daily life, civilian action must not be paralyzed or surrender to the status quo. The path forward lies in working within the war, not on its margins, to develop a realistic and radical transition project. This begins with fostering new public awareness that exposes the structural link between arms and wealth, and places the shadow economy under popular and international scrutiny. This effort requires close monitoring of the parallel market and analysis of its mechanisms, paving the way for fair economic policies and legislation that reorganize the market and dismantle smuggling monopolies. Crimes such as trafficking, narcotics trade, and gold theft must be documented and transformed into legal and media files that can be pursued, not merely retold. At the same time, independent and community-based media must rise as a front of resistance, countering the disinformation produced abroad and challenging the official narratives that justify war and vilify civilian transition. This media confrontation is not a luxury — it's essential for building a coherent, resistant public opinion. Finally, any attempt at transformation must include building flexible and realistic civilian alliances that propose a national alternative project. This project must redefine the state, sever the link between power and wealth, and shift economic control from militias back to the community. This is not a ready-made plan — it's an open front that requires daily effort and initiative from within the cracks war has created, not in waiting for its end. Working Amid War: No Time to Wait Despite the militarized reality and escalating conflict, this should not be an excuse for inaction or surrender to the status quo. On the contrary, the need now is to work from within the war — within its cracks — to lay the groundwork for a true civilian transformation. In a context like Sudan, change doesn't wait for victory — it is built inside the struggle itself, through realistic, deliberate steps rooted in public action and collective will. Tools for Change: From Awareness to Organization This path requires new tools and the creation of a critical public consciousness that understands the battle is not just military or political — but economic and cultural too. It begins by exposing the economic foundations of the armed system and highlighting the structural link between weapons and wealth. This enables internal and external pressure on power centers. Monitoring the parallel market and understanding its mechanisms is key for a future confrontation using just policies that dismantle shadow monopolies and restore the economy to the public. Equally important is the documentation of crimes like smuggling, drug trafficking, and gold looting — vital for building legal and media cases that can be pursued in future moments of accountability. On the media front, alternative, independent, and community media must be supported to counter the misinformation spread from foreign media rooms and to promote a resistance narrative based on the revolution, not the war machine. In parallel, civilian alliances must be built — realistic and resilient — offering a political and economic alternative that redefines the state-society-resource relationship and breaks the link between authority and plunder. An Open Front: A Beginning, Not an End What we face today is not a passing political crisis but a historic moment requiring a complete redefinition of the national project. This is not a finished blueprint, but an open front for gradual transformation — built not from outside collapse, but from within it. The true challenge is not waiting for war to end, but using the fractures it created to fuel civil resistance and spark new beginnings — toward a democratic, civilian, just, and salvaging state that reflects the people's aspirations, not the interests of entrenched elites. References 1. 1. Global Witness (2019). 'The Ones Left Behind: Sudan's Secret Gold Empire.' 2. 2. International Crisis Group (2022). 'The Militarization of Sudan's Economy.' 3. 3. Human Rights Watch (2020). 'Entrenched Impunity: Gold Mining and the Darfur Conflict.' 4. 4. United Nations Panel of Experts on the Sudan (2020–2023). Reports to the Security Council. 5. 5. BBC Arabic & Al Jazeera Investigations (2021–2023). Coverage of Sudan's illicit trade and media operations. 6. 6. Radio Dabanga (2015–2023). Reports on drug trafficking and corruption during Al-Ingaz regime. 7. 7. Sudan Tribune (2020). 'Forex crisis and informal currency trading in Sudan.'

Appointment of Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan stirs contradictory reactions
Appointment of Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan stirs contradictory reactions

Al Taghyeer

time20-05-2025

  • Al Taghyeer

Appointment of Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan stirs contradictory reactions

Observers describe the appointment as void of required political legitimacy and apparently failing to secure broad consensus. Port Sudan: Altaghyeer The appointment of Dr. Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan on Monday has stirred intense debate among those who support him and a strong reaction among those who opposing his appointment, as he has been linked to controversial regimes, including Omar al-Bashir's, the December Revolution but equally with the current war period. Who is Kamal Idris? Idris graduated from the University of Khartoum's Faculty of Law. He holds a Ph.D. in International Law from the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. He served as Director-General of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) in 1997-2003. Throughout his career, he has held various distinguished positions, including member of the UN International Law Commission and spokesperson for the Group of Developing Countries. He is fluent in Arabic, English, and French, with knowledge of Spanish. Idris has received numerous awards and honors, including honorary doctorates from several universities worldwide. Contradiction and Criticism The newly appointed Prime Minister was described as a self-contradictory who seeks only his own interests. Critics pointed out that he was an uncommitted member of the Sudanese Communist Party and engaged in activities of its university students' offshoot 'the Democratic Front' and a member of the late Sudan military ruler Jaffar Nimeri's party 'the Sudanese Socialist Union' before aligning with the Islamic Front. He was a candidate in the 2010 Presidential Elections against al-Bashir with the support of Islamists, who wanted to make the elections plausible as a true democratic process. He appeared in a video clip during the latest revolution describing al-Bashir's regime as criminal and demanding it's resignation and recently appeared in a recording speech denouncing any debasing of the national army, saying such persons should be denied to assume any public posts. Challenges Ahead of the New Prime Minister The new Prime Minister Faces significant challenges, including managing the political and economic crisis, rebuilding state institutions, and achieving stability amidst the ongoing war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. He also faces challenges of being accepted by the Sudanese masses, with many expressing their rejection of his appointment, citing corruption cases linked to his career. In 2006, he reportedly faked his birth date certificate, pushing his birth date from 1945 to 1954, to fit for staying at his job, leaping away from looming retirement age at the time. Reactions Some observers believe that Kamal Idris's chances of success might be greater than expected given his neutral stance and this step could potentially pave the way for a ceasefire. But others cited reservations. Nour al-Din Salah al-Din, a partisan leader, stated that the appointment lacks the required political legitimacy, emphasizing such a move needs broad consensus resulting from a Sudanese inclusive political process. Academic Adel Taha Suleiman believes that the question was not rejecting Kamal Idris' appointment but rather putting an end to the current raging war. Idris' appointment was backed by the Islamic movement leadership who wanted the war to continue therefore Idris will come and leave without solving the roots causes of the problem, he argued.

We Have Hope for Promoting the Peace Agenda in Sudan During the U.S. President's Visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
We Have Hope for Promoting the Peace Agenda in Sudan During the U.S. President's Visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Al Taghyeer

time13-05-2025

  • Al Taghyeer

We Have Hope for Promoting the Peace Agenda in Sudan During the U.S. President's Visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

We Have Hope for Promoting the Peace Agenda in Sudan During the U.S. President's Visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia By Yasir Arman The important visit by U.S. President Donald Trump to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia comes into an amid of regional and international developments and issues that have a significant impact on geopolitics and the future of our region. Saudi Arabia and the United States are the sponsors of the Jeddah Initiative concerning the stopping and ending the war in Sudan. This visit presents a rare opportunity to revive the initiative and push it forward with other regional and international partners. The war in Sudan has deep repercussions on issues related to the Red Sea and migration — those who cannot find the right to stay in their own country will seek it in others. It also influences terrorism and its regional and global complexities,also the suffering of millions of internally displaced persons in Sudan when witnessing the collapse of the health system and famine. The Sudanese war affects neighboring countries, many of which are also experiencing instability. Saudi Arabia shares with us, among other ties, connections of proximity, mutual interests, culture, history, the sea, geography, the mosque, and shared humanity — as well as millions of Sudanese professionals and others who have migrated there for work, and we share a common future. Millions of Sudanese hope that the U.S. President's visit to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries will contribute to promoting the agenda of ending the war and achieving peace. They seek a humanitarian ceasefire that enables Sudanese people to explore the future of their country, close the chapter of war crimes and human rights violations, and silence the guns that have been turned against the people.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store