
India seeks lower tariff than Indonesia, Vietnam amid trade talks with US as Donald Trump teases ‘pretty good deals'
As per the Bloomberg report quoting an unnamed officer in New Delhi, India is seeking a more favourable tariff rate than Indonesia and Vietnam as it races to meet the August 1 deadline, following which it may have to pay the US a 26 per cent tariff on its exports to Washington.
Donald Trump on Tuesday said he will impose a 19 per cent tariff on Indonesia, and will be able to ship American goods to the country tariff-free. This was down from the initial 32 per cent that was announced in April. For Vietnam, the tariff came down to 20 per cent.
The US and India are working toward a deal that would reduce proposed tariffs to below 20 per cent, Bloomberg had earlier reported. A team of negotiators are present in Washington to discuss tariff rates.
New Delhi is hoping for a tariff that would give it a competitive advantage against its peers in the region, the report said quoting officials.
India is confident that its trade deal with the US will be better than that of Indonesia and Vietnam, as America doesn't view it as a transshipment hub like other southeast Asian countries. The negotiations so far suggest India's tariff rate would be better than those countries, one of the officials told Bloomberg.
US President Donald Trump on Wednesday hinted at reaching a new trade deal with India soon. While adding "maybe", he said that currently the US is in negotiations with India.
'We have another one (deal) coming up, maybe with India... We're in negotiation,' Trump said.
'We have some pretty good deals to announce... We're very close to a deal with India where they open it up,' he added.
This came a day after the US President said his administration is working on a deal that gives it access to the Indian markets.
'We're going to have access into India. And you have to understand, we had no access into any of these countries. Our people couldn't go in. And now we're getting access because of what we're doing with the tariffs.'
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Hans India
a few seconds ago
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Temasek, others can invest more if the ecosystem is conducive
The announcement by Temasek Holdings that it intends to deploy $3 billion-4 billion annually in India is good news, especially against the backdrop of less-than-desirable foreign direct investment (FDI) that we get. Net FDI, for instance, had a steep fall of over 96 per cent, to just $353 million, in 2024-25. There was recovery too, though, as in April received net FDI of $3.95 billion, the most in 35 months. The exposure of Singapore's sovereign wealth fund to India has increased to over $50 billion, as of March this year, up from $37 billion a year earlier. In March, Temasek picked up a 10 per cent stake in Haldiram's at a valuation of around $10 billion, which was termed as a 'prized asset.' 'We've been very active in investing behind family-run businesses, we can invest across the value chain,' Vishesh Shrivastav, managing director of Temasek's India investment team, said in a media interview. Earlier, Temasek invested in many family businesses in India, such as Manipal Hospitals and Dr Agarwal's Health Care. Temasek and other investors can become more bullish about India if our policy makers get their act together. To be sure, investors are closely watching India, which is widely regarded as one of the most promising emerging markets. With a large domestic market, a young and growing population, a thriving services sector, and increasing digital penetration, India offers tremendous potential for high returns over the long term. However, this optimism is often tempered by concerns over policy inconsistency, regulatory unpredictability, and bureaucratic inefficiencies. If Indian policymakers can address these challenges with clarity, consistency, and foresight, institutional investors like Temasek may significantly ramp up their commitments. Temasek has already invested in sectors such as financial services, technology, and healthcare in India. Yet, its future decisions will be influenced by the ease with which it can navigate India's regulatory environment, repatriate profits, and find long-term policy stability. A proactive policy framework, free of sudden reversals or overregulation, would send a strong signal of reliability. For instance, India's ongoing tax disputes and retrospective taxation policies have, in the past, deterred many investors. While some steps have been taken to reverse such measures, greater transparency and policy continuity are needed to rebuild long-term trust. Additionally, infrastructure bottlenecks, delays in project clearances, and land acquisition hurdles are key concerns. If the government expedites structural reforms—such as simplifying labour laws, digitising approval processes, and strengthening contract enforcement—it would greatly enhance the investment climate. Investors are also seeking greater alignment between central and state policies, as contradictions and delays in implementation at the state level can hamper project execution. Moreover, geopolitical tensions and trade dynamics increasingly factor into capital flows. With global investors diversifying away from China, India stands to benefit—but only if it positions itself as a stable and reform-oriented alternative. Clear communication from policymakers, timely execution of flagship initiatives like Make in India and Digital India, and consistency in environmental and ESG-related norms will help boost investor confidence. Temasek and other institutional investors are not just looking for growth—they are looking for predictable, rules-based systems where they can make long-term bets without fear of regulatory shocks. If Indian policymakers can deliver on this front, India could attract not just higher investment volumes but also longer-term, strategic capital, thus driving deeper transformation across its economy.


Hans India
a few seconds ago
- Hans India
Hindi & Politics Of Regionalism
Every now and then, as predictably as pre-election freebies, certain state-level political leaders raise the bogey of 'Hindi imposition.' It's as if they have a trigger switch tied to their political survival that goes off whenever a central government initiative mentions Hindi in any capacity. The recent noise from Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Kerala is a perfect example. These states have yet again accused the Modi government of trying to impose Hindi on them, even though no such law, bill, or directive has ever been passed. What's truly baffling is that even when the Centre merely promotes multilingual education or recommends Hindi as one of the national working languages for optional learning, it is somehow painted as a threat to their regional identity. Let me say this upfront, this is not about language. It never was. This is about politics. Regionalism is not a cultural assertion anymore, it is a political lifeline. The political design of division Over the years, regional parties have mastered the art of staying electorally relevant by building niche vote banks rooted in identity - language, region, caste, and in some cases, even dietary habits. They protect these vote banks as aggressively as a monopolist guards a dying product, not because it's valuable, but because it's all they have left. Whether it's the DMK in Tamil Nadu, the Congress and JD(S) in Karnataka, or the Left parties in Kerala, Udhav Sena, MNS in Maharashtra the pattern is clear. They feed the fear of cultural annihilation. They amplify a false sense of 'otherness' when it comes to the idea of India that the BJP or any national party proposes. And they particularly thrive on positioning Hindi as a weapon of domination. Let's be honest, these parties don't fear Hindi because of what it is. They fear it because of what it symbolically represents today, the growing acceptability and spread of the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's idea of a unified India, one that embraces all languages without dividing people through them. Linguistic diversity is not the enemy India is not a monolith. It is a civilisational mosaic of cultures, scripts, sounds, and dialects. The Constitution of India recognizes 22 official languages under the Eighth Schedule. Hindi is just one of them. And so is Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam or Marathi. To pit one against the other is a perversion of the very idea of Bharat. Knowing Hindi does not diminish Tamil identity. Speaking Hindi in Kerala does not erode Malayali pride. Using Hindi does not lower Marathi abhiman. Language is not a zero-sum game. It is not about subtraction. It is about addition. I believe language is a bridge, not a boundary. A multilingual Indian is a more empowered Indian. And regional politicians need to understand that unity does not come at the cost of diversity. It comes through it. The hypocrisy of English love and Hindi hatred Here's what exposes the real agenda of these regional parties, their unapologetic promotion and dependence on English. From state government websites to high court judgments, from elite schooling to bureaucratic communication, English is the default in almost all southern states. Yet, not once have these parties accused the Union Government or anyone else of 'English imposition.' Not once have they stood up to question why primary education in urban areas of their own states has moved away from regional languages toward English medium. If English is acceptable for courts, commerce, contracts, and education, why is Hindi such a problem? Why is English celebrated as modern, but indigenous Hindi ridiculed as hegemonic? That is not cultural logic. That is political expediency. Let me put it bluntly, they're not against Hindi. They're against the political threat that comes with the spread of Hindi-speaking leadership. Is Hindi being imposed? Let's check the facts Let's strip the rhetoric and look at the facts. ♦ There is no constitutional amendment imposing Hindi on non-Hindi speaking states. ♦ The Modi government has not issued any directive mandating Hindi in official state communication. ♦ NEP 2020's three-language formula gives complete autonomy to states in choosing which three languages to include in their curriculum. ♦ Most central government exams, including UPSC, are now being offered in multiple regional languages. ♦ The push has been for inclusion, not imposition. Promoting Hindi alongside Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada is not the same as replacing them. Yet, even the mention of Hindi in a national context becomes a cause for statewide protests. It's performative outrage, driven by electoral anxiety. Employment and national integration Let's talk about who really matters - the Indian youth. In today's economic landscape, mobility is key. People no longer work where they're born. A student from Telangana may get posted in Himachal. A nurse from Kerala might land a job in Gujarat. An engineer from Tamil Nadu could be working in Delhi. In this context, knowing Hindi is a competitive advantage, not a cultural burden. It helps non-Hindi speakers navigate inter-state opportunities more smoothly. It opens doors in the government sector, armed forces, hospitality, transport, and retail industries. It increases efficiency, eases communication, and builds bonds. Is that such a terrible outcome? What the Modi government is actually doing The accusation of Hindi imposition rings hollow when you consider what the Modi government is really doing with languages. ♦ The National Education Policy encourages foundational education in the mother tongue, not Hindi. ♦ The government is investing in translation of technical, engineering, and medical textbooks into Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, and more. ♦ E-Governance platforms and services are now available in multiple Indian languages, not just Hindi and English. ♦ Initiatives like 'Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat' actively promote cultural and linguistic exchanges between states. This is not imposition. This is preservation, promotion, and partnership. The Modi government is enabling the growth of regional languages, not undermining them. Who's really failing regional languages? If anyone is responsible for the weakening of regional languages, it is these very parties who cry wolf over Hindi. Their state school curricula are poorly funded. Their public universities are often linguistically disconnected. Their budget allocation for language research and promotion is negligible. These parties use their language only as a slogan, not as a policy priority. They turn up the volume on identity politics when needed and mute their concern when in power. There's no cultural war here. Just electoral theatre. The false dichotomy: Hindi vs. regional identity I find it dangerous how a false dichotomy has been manufactured. The idea that you can either be Tamil or learn Hindi. That you must choose between being a Kannadiga and being a multilingual Indian. This binary thinking is regressive. It undermines our very ethos as a civilization that absorbed and evolved through dialogue, linguistic, philosophical, and cultural. Language is not the enemy. Political weaponization of language is. We need political maturity, not linguistic paranoia India is at a crucial point in its journey, politically, economically, and culturally. We cannot afford to squander this moment over invented fears. The political maturity required now is to rise above identity-based manipulation and look at language through the lens of national progress. Let's be clear, no one is forcing Hindi down anyone's throat. But we should also not allow a handful of insecure regional leaders to block opportunities for millions of Indian youth. Let's not make it harder for a Tamil boy to dream of a job in Madhya Pradesh. Let's not limit the aspirations of a Kannada girl wanting to work in Chandigarh. Knowing Hindi helps them, not harms them. And let us not forget, a multilingual India is not a divided India. It is a stronger, more connected, more confident India. Unity through language Over the years, I've had the privilege of working and speaking across many Indian states. I've seen firsthand how knowing a few key Indian languages changes the way you connect, influence, and lead. In my own political and public life, the ability to speak Hindi and English, while thinking in Telugu, has been a powerful advantage. It has not diminished my identity. It has enhanced my effectiveness and connect across the nation. The same principle holds for our youth. Don't be held hostage by those who want to limit your growth under the guise of protecting your culture. Bharat is a symphony The idea of Bharat is not built on linguistic uniformity. It's built on cultural harmony. One can speak Kannada and be a proud Indian. One can write in Malayalam and serve in the Indian Army. One can think in Tamil and lead in Delhi. We need to end this manufactured war on Hindi. We must call out the politics of regionalism for what it is, a desperate attempt to remain electorally relevant in the face of a rising, unified national narrative. Let our children learn any language they intend to - Telugu, Tamil, Kannada, Malayalam, Hindi, and English. Let them dream in many languages, think across borders, and work across states. Because in the end, the language of unity is understanding, not uniformity. (Author is the Chief Spokesperson of BJP, Chairman for Nation Building Foundation & a Harvard Business School certified Strategist.)


Hans India
a few seconds ago
- Hans India
MyVoice: Views of our readers 18th July 2025
Majoritarian mindset The NCERT's revision of the contents of the textbooks is in line with the BJP's and the Modi government's pursuit of a Hindutva agenda. The Hindu Right's world view and its fixation on other faiths run through the newly-added texts, as is easily seen from their phrasing. The Hindutva brigade's 'fascination' with the Mughal rulers has more to do with the use of history for political manipulation and mobilisation than its interest in understanding Indian history. It is 'fond' of this particular period of history as it provides the grist for its political discourse. The emphasis is laid on the Mughal period to buttress the argument that Hindus and Muslims have been constantly in conflict - nothing could be further from the truth – and make a case for Hindu revivalism. The reference to the British colonial rule as one which 'drained India of its wealth' seems to be a feeble attempt to claim objectivity. As for the mention of 'Christianisation', schools and hospitals built by the Christian missionaries to benefit the masses, mainly the long-oppressed lower castes, too could have been mentioned. The lament in the revised texts that the British destroyed India's traditional ways of life and its indigenous educational system and 'imposed foreign cultural values' is of immense sociological significance. History is not to be looked at through tinted glasses. Unfortunately, the NCERT gives students exposure only to a sanitized version of history. G David Milton, Maruthancode, Tamil Nadu Long overdue move The revised NCERT Class VIII textbook is a long-overdue correction of colonial narratives. By acknowledging the massive economic drain from India and exposing how 'modernisation' came at the cost of indigenous systems, it encourages critical thinking. Including local education models and the rise of the Marathas adds depth to the period often overshadowed by Mughal-British binaries. Importantly, the balanced approach showing both exploitation and exchange helps students grasp history with nuance. This bold, evidence-based shift deserves appreciation for reclaiming forgotten perspectives and fostering a more self-aware generation. Dr H K Vijayakumar, Raichur Is still Akbar 'The Great'? The new Social Science text book to be newly introduced by the NCERT for students in the 2025-26 academic year, portrays Mughal rulers ,especially Akbar among others, as intellectually endowed and also those who plundered the Indian population. So, how can his name tagging with the rarest title ' The Great' still holds apt and relevant? Seshagiri Row Karry, Hyderabad Unbiased journalism My heartfelt congratulations to The Hans India newspaper on completing 14 years of publication and entering into its 15th year. I am very happy to write that The Hans India is the only newspaper which has an Education page published every day. I eagerly look forward to your Sunday Edition for the Reader's Pulse. Yours is the only newspaper which has a page entirely for the readers and we feel free to share our thoughts with you .I am also glad that many of my thoughts and opinions have been published in The Hans India .Your reporting is unbiased and highly professional. Wishing Team Hans India a very bright future . Parimala G Tadas, Hyderabad Save Nimisha Priya The fate of Kerala nurse Nimisha Priya sentenced to death under Yemeni law for murdering her business partner and Yemeni national Abdoi Mehdi looks bleak with Mehdi's family rejecting the offer of blood money made by her family. The international community must, through good offices, mediate Nimisha's release, as the woman was forced into the diabolic crime to escape harassment by, and get back her passport from Mehdi. Yemen, an Islamic nation must do justice to the spirit of forgiveness espoused in the Holy Quran. Dr George Jacob, Kochi Too much Hindutva on display What is going on in Uttar Pradesh? Kanwar yatra is a major Hindu pilgrimage held usually in July, August. Giving more importance to the pilgrimage many educational institutions have been closed, roads have been opened to pilgrims only, and meat shops and eateries maintained by minorities have been asked to close against Supreme Court order. About 17,000 trees have been cut in Ghaziabad and Meerut to make way for new routes. U P government's too much support to Hindu religion is against secularism. Supreme Court must interfere to maintain democracy and secularism. P Victor Selvaraj, Tirunelveli