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A Brand Bargain or a Major Conflict

A Brand Bargain or a Major Conflict

Asharq Al-Awsat6 hours ago

For at least a year now, Iran and Israel have been fighting a direct conflict, after having waged a shadow war for decades. This is more than a regional power struggle; what we are witnessing is an existential war between two regimes as traditional pillars of deterrence erode, creating trajectories that are difficult to foresee.
1. Controlled Escalation
The confrontation has yet to escalate into a full-scale war. Israel continues to target nuclear and military facilities, as well as supply chains. For its part, Tehran has retaliated with strikes intended to hurt Israeli society to the greatest extent possible, as it assumes that the Israelis cannot endure protracted conflict.
Iran is betting that Israel cannot withstand attrition, while Israel is betting that Iran's limited missile stockpile (estimates put the number between 2,000 and 5,000 missiles) means that it will face a problem of diminishing returns as time goes on.
2. Total War
Total war would be the most damaging scenario: strikes on oil facilities, infrastructure, and cities- a conflict between two rivals, separated by thousands of miles, that both have a vast arsenal.
This level of escalation would almost certainly draw US intervention, igniting a regional war with catastrophic consequences for oil markets and the global economy. While there are no concrete indications that either side is seeking such a war, "fatal miscalculation" remains a serious and ever-present risk.
3. Diplomatic De-escalation
This scenario remains on the table, but it requires political will and prudent use of leverage. However, recent developments have made this outcome less likely. Indeed, the prerequisites for de-escalation have been undermined, and no potential settlement can be limited to Iran's nuclear program any longer; its missile program and regional proxy network would now also have to be addressed.
Pursuing this path would require a triangular consensus, at a minimum, between Washington, Tehran, and Tel Aviv, with a regional mediator facilitating the process. The goal, here, would be to lower tensions and lay the groundwork for a comprehensive political settlement. Nonetheless, this outcome remains far-fetched. The total lack of trust among the parties and stakeholders, the collapse of previous nuclear negotiations, and each side's determination to exploit what it perceives as its rival's domestic vulnerabilities have left them all locked into a high-stakes game of brinkmanship.
The most likely outcome is continued clashes, interrupted by temporary pauses, that do not lead to a full-scale war.
Israel understands that taking its offensive on Iran's oil facilities too far would provoke unprecedented retaliation and the ire of its allies- particularly the United States- because of the global economic repercussions of such action. Israeli military officials acknowledge the limits of their country's munitions, and they have admitted that they cannot destroy Iran's nuclear program on their own. As for inciting regime change instead of destroying Iran's nuclear program, that remains a step Israel cannot take unilaterally, at least for now.
It is worth noting that US President Donald Trump refused to greenlight the assassination of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei- a decision that underscores Trump's preference to turn escalation into leverage that pulls Iran back to the negotiating table.
Israel, meanwhile, has a broad array of tools with which it can gradually dismantle Iran's nuclear program: from targeted assassinations to cyberattacks and precision airstrikes. This sort of warfare is believed to be effective in achieving its strategic objectives while also allowing Israel to avoid a conventional war.
Iran, for its part, cannot afford total war under the current circumstances: its economy is in decline, it has lost much of its senior military and security leadership, its missile stockpile has been depleted, and its proxy network has been degraded. Iran is likely to focus on maximizing the social, political, and economic toll of this war on Israel. It may seek to pace its attacks and avoid depleting its missile stockpile, or it could use capabilities that have yet to be revealed.
Given the complexity of the situation, thinking outside of the box is crucial. The conflict between Iran and Israel is not a conventional war between two states. This conflict is a struggle rooted in revolutionary ideology. Deterrence is achieved through fear, and the two sides have fought several proxy wars.
Accordingly, shifting the framework of the conflict should be the priority. The sides' existential enmity should be turned into a political rivalry, and the dynamics between them should be shaped by interests rather than ideology. The region needs a grand bargain that redefines Iran's position in the international order. Such a deal would entail Iran ending its role in the Palestine conflict, as well as abandoning its pursuit of exporting the revolution, in exchange for regional and international integration. Iran would be offered gradual sanctions relief and recognition of its regional power status in return for ending its military support to Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, and the Iraqi militias, as well as freezing its sensitive nuclear enrichment. Regional powers would guarantee the implementation of this agreement.
The time has come for Iran to remove the notion of "resistance" from its political imaginary, endorsing the logic of statehood within a global system instead.
Iran is unlikely to mirror post–World War II Japan any time soon. But it could become a regional China if it stops anchoring its domestic and foreign policy in ideological hostility, embracing strategic realism in its place. This would mean integrating Iran into the regional architecture and encouraging the technocratic wing of the regime to pursue a strategy that prioritizes survival through adaptation rather than escalation.
This is an opportune moment to build a coalition that blends power and pragmatism. This coalition could include regional powers, India, the Trump administration, and pragmatic and patriotic factions within Iran's political system. The latter are becoming increasingly aware that the revolution is no longer a vehicle for survival, and that it has become an existential threat to the state.

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US Military Preparations at its Peak: Col. Abbas Dahouk
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How Israel Used Spies, Smuggled Drones and AI to Stun and Hobble Iran
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Fear Stalks Tehran as Israel Bombards, Shelters Fill Up and Communicating Grows Harder
Fear Stalks Tehran as Israel Bombards, Shelters Fill Up and Communicating Grows Harder

Asharq Al-Awsat

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The streets of Tehran are empty, businesses closed, communications patchy at best. With no bona fide bomb shelters open to the public, panicked masses spend restless nights on the floors of metro stations as strikes boom overhead. This is Iran's capital city, just under a week into a fierce Israeli blitz to destroy the country's nuclear program and its military capabilities. After knocking out much of Iran's air defense system, Israel says its warplanes have free rein over the city's skies. US President Donald Trump on Monday told Tehran's roughly 10 million residents to evacuate 'immediately.' Thousands have fled, spending hours in gridlock as they head toward the suburbs, the Caspian Sea, or even Armenia or Türkiye. But others — those elderly and infirm — are stuck in high-rise apartment buildings. Their relatives fret: what to do? Israeli strikes on Iran have killed at least 585 people and wounded over 1,300, a human rights group says. State media, also a target of bombardment, have stopped reporting on the attacks, leaving Iranians in the dark. There are few visible signs of state authority: Police appear largely undercover, air raid sirens are unreliable, and there's scant information on what to do in case of attack. Shirin, 49, who lives in the southern part of Tehran, said every call or text to friends and family in recent days has felt like it could be the last. 'We don't know if tomorrow we will be alive,' she said. Many Iranians feel conflicted. Some support Israel's targeting of Iranian political and military officials they see as repressive. Others staunchly defend the country and retaliatory strikes on Israel. Then, there are those who oppose Iran's rulers, but still don't want to see their country bombed. To stay, or to go? The Associated Press interviewed five people in Iran and one Iranian American in the US over the phone. All spoke either on the condition of anonymity or only allowed their first names to be used, for fear of retribution from the state against them or their families. Most of the calls ended abruptly and within minutes, cutting off conversations as people grew nervous or because the connection dropped. Iran's government has acknowledged disrupting internet access. It says it's to protect the country, though that has blocked average Iranians from getting information from the outside world. Iranians in the diaspora wait anxiously for news from relatives. One, an Iranian American human rights researcher in the US, said he last heard from relatives when some were trying to flee Tehran earlier in the week. He believes that lack of gas and traffic prevented them from leaving. The most heartbreaking interaction, he said, was when his older cousins with whom he grew up in Iran told him 'We don't know where to go. If we die, we die.' 'Their sense was just despair,' he said. Some families have made the decision to split up. A 23-year-old Afghan refugee who has lived in Iran for four years said he stayed behind in Tehran but sent his wife and newborn son out of the city after a strike Monday hit a nearby pharmacy. 'It was a very bad shock for them,' he said. Some, like Shirin, said fleeing was not an option. The apartment buildings in Tehran are towering and dense. Her father has Alzheimer's and needs an ambulance to move. Her mother's severe arthritis would make even a short trip extremely painful. Still, hoping escape might be possible, she spent the last several days trying to gather their medications. Her brother waited at a gas station until 3 a.m., only to be turned away when the fuel ran out. As of Monday, gas was being rationed to under 20 liters (5 gallons) per driver at stations across Iran after an Israeli strike set fire to the world's largest gas field. Some people, like Arshia, said they are just tired. 'I don't want to go in traffic for 40 hours, 30 hours, 20 hours, just to get to somewhere that might get bombed eventually,' he said. The 22-year-old has been staying in the house with his parents since the initial Israeli strike. He said his once-lively neighborhood of Saadat Abad in northwestern Tehran is now a ghost town. Schools are closed. Very few people even step outside to walk their dogs. Most local stores have run out of drinking water and cooking oil. Others closed. Still, Arshia said the prospect of finding a new place is too daunting. 'We don't have the resources to leave at the moment,' he said. Residents are on their own No air raid sirens went off as Israeli strikes began pounding Tehran before dawn Friday. For many, it was an early sign civilians would have to go it alone. During the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, Tehran was a low-slung city, many homes had basements to shelter in, and there were air raid drills and sirens. Now the capital is packed with close-built high-rise apartments without shelters. 'It's a kind of failing of the past that they didn't build shelters,' said a 29-year-old Tehran resident who left the city Monday. 'Even though we've been under the shadow of a war, as long as I can remember.' Her friend's boyfriend was killed while going to the store. 'You don't really expect your boyfriend or your anyone, really to leave the house and never return when they just went out for a routine normal shopping trip,' she said. Those who choose to relocate do so without help from the government. The state has said it is opening mosques, schools and metro stations for use as shelters. Some are closed, others overcrowded. Hundreds crammed into one Tehran metro station Friday night. Small family groups lay on the floor. One student, a refugee from another country, said she spent 12 hours in the station with her relatives. 'Everyone there was panicking because of the situation,' she said. 'Everyone doesn't know what will happen next, if there is war in the future and what they should do. People think nowhere is safe for them.' Soon after leaving the station, she saw that Israel had warned a swath of Tehran to evacuate. 'For immigrant communities, this is so hard to live in this kind of situation,' she said, explaining she feels like she has nowhere to escape to, especially not her home country, which she asked not be identified. Fear of Iran mingles with fear of Israel For Shirin, the hostilities are bittersweet. Despite being against the theocracy and its treatment of women, the idea that Israel may determine the future does not sit well with her. 'As much as we want the end of this regime, we didn't want it to come at the hands of a foreign government,' she said. 'We would have preferred that if there were to be a change, it would be the result of a people's movement in Iran.' 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