Bill to fast-track projects gets instant pushback from climate groups and First Nations
The federal government's new bill to fast-track projects 'in the national interest' sparked immediate concerns from the Assembly of First Nations and Canada's largest network of labour unions, climate, environmental and faith groups and Indigenous organizations.
If it becomes law, the federal government will essentially be able to approve certain projects before federal regulatory processes take place. Environmental and other concerns will no longer be able to stop these projects, but mechanisms will be put in place to mitigate any harms.
'Green-lighting major projects up front, before asking how they would affect communities, is nonsensical,' Alex Cool-Fergus, national policy manager at Climate Action Network Canada said in a press release.
'Bypassing democratic norms under the pretext of a 'crisis' is a tactic as old as time. This government must do better.'
Bill C-5 has already prompted the Assembly of First Nations to call an emergency meeting.
'The Assembly of First Nations remains deeply concerned about the lack of time and appropriate process to carry out the Crown's consultation and consent obligations, especially given the potentially massive impact on the rights of First Nations,' AFN National Chief Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak said in a statement.
At a press conference Friday afternoon, Prime Minister Mark Carney clarified that the federal government 'will not impose a project on a province.'
'Bypassing democratic norms under the pretext of a 'crisis' is a tactic as old as time," Alex Cool-Fergus, national policy manager at Climate Action Network Canada said of the federal government's new legislation to fast-track major projects.
'We need consensus behind these projects and we need the participation of Indigenous peoples,' Carney said at a press conference on Friday. This week, BC Premier David Eby said he will not support Alberta Premier Danielle Smith's vision of building a new oil pipeline to BC's north coast.
Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre said caucus will discuss whether to support the legislation (which also enacts the Free Trade and Labour Mobility in Canada Act, intended to reduce interprovincial trade barriers).
Poilievre said it's 'troubling' Carney is giving provinces veto power when Eby has said no to 'the most promising pipeline.' Asked why provinces shouldn't be able to say no, Poilievre said they 'need to start saying 'Yes.''
The bill, tabled in the House of Commons by Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc, would give Ottawa the authority to draw up a list of large projects it wants to prioritize and expedite their federal approval.
When a project is deemed in the national interest and added to the list, it will be considered to be conditionally approved from the outset. The project will go through existing review processes such as the federal Impact Assessment Act, but the focus will be on 'how' instead of 'whether' it can be built.
The bill sets out several criteria to evaluate whether a project is in the national interest. These criteria include whether a project strengthens Canada's autonomy, resilience and security; provides economic or other benefits to Canada; has a high likelihood of successful execution; advances the interests of Indigenous Peoples; and contributes to clean growth and to Canada's objectives with respect to climate change.
In a background press briefing a government official said these are considerations, not a checklist, and other factors can also be considered. What it means for a project to 'contribute to clean growth and to Canada's objectives with respect to climate change' is not defined in the legislation. The cabinet and the governor in council, in consultation with provinces, territories and Indigenous Peoples, will have the discretion to define that, according to a government official.
Consultation with Indigenous Peoples would happen before a project is listed. After that, staff in a new federal major projects office will help coordinate the federal review processes that determine what conditions the project must meet. This means public consultation and comment will take place after a project has already received a 'yes.'
Projects will have to be at a certain state of readiness to be listed for fast-tracking, a government official explained on background. The process for how proponents can submit projects is separate from the legislation and will require consultation with Indigenous Peoples, provinces and territories. Details will be shared 'over the summer,' the official said.
The federal government's goal to get projects through in no more than two years means the clock will start when a project gets listed (approved and designated for fast tracking) and end when the regulatory processes have been completed and conditions set. This goal is political, not legislated.
'Those two years are consulting with Indigenous Peoples understanding impacts on rights, specific measures to accommodate them, understanding specific interactions with the environment," a government official said, adding it takes two years to properly develop the conditions.
Responding to the new legislation, Environmental Defence said projects that should be deemed in the national interest include things like a resilient electricity grid with new east-west interties and with access for solar, wind and storage; scaled-up public transportation; building millions of green, energy-efficient and affordable homes and more.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Winnipeg Free Press
4 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Calls to action
A trio of books on reconciliation were all released within the span of a few weeks ahead of the summer publishing season. Who are they each for? Readers wanting to learn more about their role in the 94 calls to action in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), but who are unsure where to start, might find one or more of these titles a valuable resource, depending on their current base of knowledge and what they hope to get out of it. ● ● ● Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Bruce McIvor (Standoff: Why Reconciliation Fails Indigenous People and How to Fix It) is Red River Métis, an adjunct professor at UBC law school and a founder and senior partner at First Peoples Law. He wrote Indigenous Rights in One Minute which covers, concisely, over 100 different legal concepts, court decisions and pieces of legislation related to Indigenous rights. The central conceit, from which McIvor does not waver, is that each item — from the Doctrine of Discovery to Section 35 to the Haida Decision — is covered in about one minute of reading or less. Indigenous Rights in One Minute Indigenous Rights in One Minute The attorney and author briefly covers the history and current legal relevance of every legal footnote that contributes to the current judicial and legislative understanding of the rights of Indigenous people as well as Indigenous Peoples, each one in a page or two. With a detailed table of contents as well as a glossary, index and list of further reading, the book is certainly set up to act as a handy reference text for non-lawyers who nevertheless may be affected by, or otherwise desiring to be aware of, the relevant case law. It might also be a crucial resource for many working in or with advocacy organizations, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous governments. While it is very possible to jump around in the text, there is a throughline here. Reading the book from front to back builds in the reader a sense of the general shape of Indigenous rights in Canada, its current state, the historical forces that have shaped those rights and the directions it might move towards in the future. McIvor warns at the very beginning that he has a point of view and that he will share it. But even his editorial comments are brief and evidence-based. The one-minute constraint doesn't allow him to add many rhetorical flourishes, and blunt observations, such as that Aboriginal title is intentionally limited 'to ensure it doesn't become an insurmountable obstacle to removing Indigenous people from their lands so those lands can be exploited by non-Indigenous people,' are hard to deny on the facts. The courtroom battles Indigenous individuals and communities have been taking on against the Canadian government mirror the extensive legal work taken on by American Civil Rights activists since the 1960s. For a non-lawyer to make a proper survey of even a small field of law is not easy, and there's so much hard-to-find information packed in here, it's easy to imagine this slim layperson's reference volume will become a permanent resident of any shelves it lands upon. ● ● ● Supplied photo Rose LeMay Supplied photo Rose LeMay For first-time author Rose LeMay, the complete opposite approach made the most sense when writing Ally Is a Verb. LeMay is Tlingit, still operates in her First Nation's homeland in B.C. and has made a career as a speaker and corporate trainer specializing in practical steps allies can take in implementing the TRC's Calls to Action for reconciliation. Her book often reads like it could be spoken aloud in a meeting space — the writing is dynamic, conversational and passionate. If McIvor thought it necessary to note that he is not impartial on the topics he writes about, LeMay's point of view is so immediately clear that any such disclaimer would be unnecessary. In her second chapter, Unpacking the Great Canadian Lie, LeMay muses about whether a bloodier but briefer direct military conflict — such as occurred between Indigenous Peoples and the United States army, especially throughout the 19th century — might actually have been preferable in some ways to what actually occurred in this country. At least then, she reckons, the enemy would have been clearly identifiable. Instead, bearing the pretended benevolence of the Indian Act, LeMay writes that, 'Canada walked in smiling and held out its hand to shake, while the other hand was stealing our children and our land.' Ally is a Verb Ally is a Verb LeMay modelled her book on the change management approach she uses as a trainer: you explain the problem, present a solution and get people on board with being part of that solution. So she spends some of the first few chapters with a primer on the history of Indigenous Peoples' mistreatment at the hands of the Canadian government, from pre-Confederation to the Indian Act to residential schools, of which many in her own family were survivors. But before even this, LeMay spends some time in the opening chapter discussing the idea of reconciliation itself and how it can look, comparing Canada to three other countries that went through this process: Germany took a court-based approach post-Holocaust in the Nuremberg Trials, South Africa formed its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission after apartheid and Rwanda, after the 1994 genocide, landed somewhere in between. LeMay makes some thoughtful observations about the advantages and disadvantages of each approach, noting that our own government-created TRC had the effect of casting Canada itself as an observer and facilitator, neatly sidestepping the role of either perpetrator or defendant. These comparisons comprise some of the strongest insights of the book, and it's a good initial framing to set up subsequent chapters. The book also has some weak spots that probably stem from being adapted from oral content polished over the course of many live workshops and keynotes, and not undergoing all the changes appropriate to a written book-length format. Some chapters are veritably packed with a minutiae of stray observations that would make a real-time discussion more dynamic but make a written argument more muddled. At times quotes that aren't real quotes but rather air-quoted imitations of a hypothetical person or anthropomorphized institution (e.g., the Government of Canada) are written down using actual quotation marks. LeMay's book seems geared towards use in organizations for internal training. The chapters each end with a list of next steps and resources for further reading, making them well-suited as a ready-out-of-the-box corporate training program, wherein a facilitator or team leader might assign a chapter and set a meeting each week to discuss. Though one imagines most organizations would do better to hire LeMay to run the training herself, if they have the budget. ● ● ● Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson David. A Robertson (the Misewa Saga; 7 Generations, a Plains Cree Saga) is the most experienced author of the group, having written numerous graphic novels as well as several works of fiction and non-fiction. He is a member of Norway House Cree Nation on his father's side but was raised mainly in Winnipeg, where he is still based. The idea of 52 Ways to Reconcile is to take one step towards reconciliation every week, with enough chapters to fill a full year, though that doesn't mean the book can't be read faster than that. Indeed, the engaging style makes it hard to stop after one short chapter. 52 Ways to Reconcile 52 Ways to Reconcile As with McIvor's book, 52 Ways could potentially be read out of order; after all, there's no reason that checking out an Indigenous restaurant (Week #33) can't come before engaging with Indigenous social media (Week #3). But there is a personal narrative threaded throughout 52 Ways, and to pick and choose chapters and not read the whole thing would be a shame. Robertson provides a mix of ways to advance reconciliation, some easier and others more involved. They may include putting either your time or money where your mouth is by supporting Indigenous communities or groups, learning an important lesson on land acknowledgements or unchecked idioms, or supporting and enjoying Indigenous creators in a variety of contexts, from film to music to podcasts to food to tourism to comics. Every chapter includes both a heartfelt case for why a given task is worth doing, another little bit of the author's personal journey in advancing reconciliation and a number of specific examples of where you can get started on any given week's suggestion. Robertson already consumes a lot of Indigenous media, supports a lot of Indigenous organizations and follows a lot of Indigenous sport teams, so he is not short on examples. Want a good podcast that will teach you about missing and murdered Indigenous women; a good Indigenous non-fiction, fiction or comic book writer; country band; jazz band; or electronica band? Robertson has at least one suggestion, but usually offers several. Of the three books covered here, Robertson's 52 Ways to Reconcile is probably the most universally accessible; indeed it should appeal to almost anyone. Of course that doesn't mean that any two, or even all three, of these books aren't worth picking up depending on what the reader wants to get out of each title, and how much reading time they have available. Joel Boyce is a Winnipeg writer and educator.
Canada Standard
5 hours ago
- Canada Standard
India is fifth largest economy, their presence at G7 meeting 'makes sense'
Ottawa [Canada], June 7 (ANI): Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney on Friday (local time) said that G7 countries will hold discussions on important issues, including security and energy, in their upcoming summit, adding that India's presence at the intergovernmental political and economic forum is essential. Carney said that India being the fifth largest economy and the most populous country in the world must be at the seat. 'Let's put the two aspects in context- first is, we are in the role- Canada's in the role of the G7 chair and in those discussions as agreed with our G7 colleagues, include important discussions on energy, security, on digital future, critical minerals amongst others and partnerships actually in building infrastructure in the emerging and developing world,' he said. Carney said that India is central to a number of supply chains, which makes its presence pertinent at the G7 chair consultation. 'There are certain countries that should be at the table for those discussions, and in my capacity as G7 chair, I will consult with some others to make those determinations. India is the fifth largest economy in the world, effectively the most populous country in the world, central to a number of those supply chains at the heart of a number of those supply chains, so it makes sense,' he said. Carney said that India and Canada are acting on law enforcement, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accepted his invitation. 'In addition, bilaterally we have now agreed importantly to continued law enforcement to law enforcement dialogue so there's been some progress on that recognizes issues of accountability I extended the invitation to Prime Minister Modi for in in that context and he has accepted it,' he said. PM Modi on Friday confirmed he would attend the upcoming Group of Seven (G7) leaders summit in Canada after an invitation from newly elected Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney. 'Glad to receive a call from Prime Minister Mark J Carney of Canada. Congratulated him on his recent election victory and thanked him for the invitation to the G7 Summit in Kananaskis later this month. As vibrant democracies bound by deep people-to-people ties, India and Canada will work together with renewed vigour, guided by mutual respect and shared interests. Look forward to our meeting at the Summit,' he said in a post on X. The announcement comes after a period of severely strained relations between the two countries, triggered by Canadian allegations that Indian agents were involved in the June 2023 assassination of Hardeep Singh Nijjar--a Canadian citizen and prominent pro-Khalistan activist--outside a Sikh temple in Vancouver, as per DW News. India strongly denied the claims, and both nations expelled senior diplomats in a tit-for-tat escalation, DW News reported. (ANI)
Canada Standard
5 hours ago
- Canada Standard
Liberals Table Bill to Speed Up Approvals for Major 'National Interest' Projects
Prime Minister Mark Carney's government introduced legislation Friday that would grant it new powers to quickly push forward major projects the federal cabinet deems to be in the national interest. Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc tabled a bill in the House of Commons that would give Ottawa the authority to draw up a list of large projects it wants to prioritize and to expedite their federal approval, The Canadian Press reports. Carney said it has become too hard to build new projects in Canada and vowed that this legislation will change that. "We're in an economic crisis," Carney told a news conference on Parliament Hill on Friday. "We're still facing intensifying, unjustified tariffs from our largest trading partner and the best way to respond to that is to respond at home, build strength at home." Bill C-5, the "free trade and labour mobility in Canada act and the building Canada act," is twinned legislation meant to break down internal trade barriers and cut red tape for major projects. The bill was a marquee election promise by Carney, who campaigned on a pledge to make the country an "energy superpower" and build up a more resilient economy in response to U.S. President Donald Trump's global trade war. The prime minister said he will do everything possible to get the legislation passed this summer and did not rule out having Parliament sit longer. The House is only scheduled to sit for another two weeks and the Liberals are governing with a precarious minority, forcing them to seek the support of MPs from other parties to advance their agenda. Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre described the new bill as a small step in the right direction. He also said it amounts to an admission by the Liberals that their laws have inhibited building and urged the government to take much bolder action. "We do not need baby steps. We need breakthroughs," he said. Poilievre said he wants the government to repeal the oil tanker ban on B.C.'s northern coast, terminate the oil and gas sector's emissions cap and scrap the Impact Assessment Act that sets out a process for environmental reviews. He said he will consult with his caucus about how to approach the bill in Parliament but added that Conservatives would "vote in favour of accelerating even one project." Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers CEO Lisa Baiton said she is "encouraged by the federal government's flexibility and efforts to work with the provinces to accelerate the approval process for major projects." But environmental groups warned the new process could upend efforts to fight climate change. Jessica Clogg, executive director of West Coast Environmental Law, said that past experience shows "rushed approvals without assessment of risks are a recipe for conflict, legal challenges and future environmental disasters." Keith Stewart of Greenpeace Canada said the government should not fast track new fossil-fuel projects, as Carney has suggested. "To even consider designating oil and gas expansion projects as in the national interest is a slap in the face to not just the next generation, but every Canadian struggling right now to deal with climate change-fueled wildfires," he said. The legislation would create a new federal office to take the lead on streamlining approvals for major projects and task the intergovernmental affairs minister with overseeing the final permitting decision. The government said the goal of the bill is to send a clear signal to businesses and quickly build up investor confidence. Carney said the current approval process forces projects to undergo multiple reviews and assessments one after another, rather than at the same time. "That process is arduous," he said. "It takes too long and it's holding our country back." "For too long, when federal agencies examined a project, their immediate question has been, 'Why?' With this new bill, we will ask ourselves, 'How?'" The bill sets out five criteria to evaluate whether a project is in the national interest. They include the project's likelihood of success, whether it would strengthen the country's resiliency and advance the interests of Indigenous peoples, and whether it would contribute to economic growth in an environmentally responsible way. The new federal review office will work toward a goal of approving projects within two years. That's a political promise rather than a hard-and-fast rule; the legislation does not mention timelines. While the bill would give the government broad power to skirt environmental laws to push projects forward, one expert said it remains to be seen how Ottawa will use it. "This is the kind of consolidation that you sometimes see in times of national emergency. We see it in wartime, we saw it in COVID to some extent. That consolidation can let you move more quickly, which can be a good thing, but it can also be a risky thing," said Stewart Elgie, the Jarislowsky chair in clean economy at the University of Ottawa. He warned that trying to "shortcut environmental interests" does not help expedite projects. "The Harper government never got a major pipeline built, and it's because they gave short shrift to environment and Indigenous concerns. It ended up with blockades and litigation that ultimately slowed down the projects," Elgie said. Carney said the legislation requires meaningful consultation with Indigenous Peoples consistent with the Constitution and the Crown's duty to consult. The federal review office will also include an Indigenous Advisory Council with First Nation, Inuit and Metis representation. The legislation comes with a sunset clause that forces a review of the law after five years. Carney met with the premiers earlier in the week in Saskatoon, where they privately discussed various projects the premiers want to see quickly launched - including pipelines, trade corridors and mining projects. The new legislation does not touch on any provincial approvals that might be needed to allow a project to go ahead. - With files from Sarah Ritchie and Nick Murray This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 6, 2025. Source: The Energy Mix
