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India's response to Trump's bombast must be strong

India's response to Trump's bombast must be strong

Hans India9 hours ago
When politics or, worse, rhetoric eclipses prudence, the consequences are usually unpleasant. With his unconventional approach to politics and policy implementation, US President Donald Trump has embarked on a course that is sometimes charted more by bombast and impulse rather than facts and reason. His announcement of 25 per cent tariffs on Indian goods a few days ago was a function of Trumpian peculiarity.
And more peculiar was his announcement on Wednesday to double the tariff to 50 per cent, citing India's oil imports from Russia. Interestingly, the US tariff on Chinese imports was a lot less. While the initial 25 per cent tariff on Indian imports has come into effect on Thursday, the additional tariff will be levied three weeks later.
These tariff announcements were rash because they did not take into account the multifarious nature of deep and growing ties between the world's two largest democracies. New Delhi's reaction has been measured. It was only when the Trump administration's statements and actions became intolerable that the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) issued a strong statement, saying the targeting of India was 'unfair, unjustified and unreasonable.' It went on to say that India would take all actions necessary to protect its national interests.
Recently, the MEA also exposed the hypocrisy of the US and the European Union over ties with Russia. 'The European Union in 2024 had a bilateral trade of Euro 67.5 billion in goods with Russia. In addition, it had trade in services estimated at Euro 17.2 billion in 2023. This is significantly more than India's total trade with Russia that year or subsequently,' it said. Also, the US 'continues to import from Russia uranium hexafluoride for its nuclear industry, palladium for its EV industry, fertilisers as well as chemicals.'
Thus, the Narendra Modi government has not only convincingly refuted Trump's allegations but also exposed the doublespeak of the developed world. Still better, it has done so without indulging in pomposity, which was the characteristic feature of foreign policy in the past. The government must continue that tone and tenor.
To be sure, there are elements, both within the ruling dispensation and without, that would urge the government to up the ante. Such anti-American and anti-West activists and organisations are both on the Right and the Left, not to forget those in between. Recently, RSS affiliate Swadeshi Jagran Manch, which is doctrinally opposed to America and capitalism, castigated Trump for his 'coercive tactics' of threatening penalties against India for trade ties with Russia. 'If Washington believes that such coercive tactics can sway India's decisions, it must recognise that today's India is not the India of a decade ago,' Manch co-convener Ashwani Mahajan said in a statement, obliquely crediting Modi with bold leadership.
And, of course, the Congress party, which for decades followed anti-America policies (some of which still extant), gleefully said that the 'country is now bearing the cost of Narendra Modi's 'friendship'. It was referring to the 'Howdy, Modi!' event in Texas in September 2019.
On Thursday, Prime Minister Modi said that India would never compromise on the interest of farmers, fishermen and dairy sector. He went on to say that he was prepared to bear a significant personal cost if necessary. This statement came a day after Trump doubled tariffs on Indian imports. However, Modi must ensure that goading by professional anti-US activists and taunts by opponents do not colour his government's foreign policy. But our response to Trump's bombast must be measured and at the same time, strong.
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Full text: ‘Act now', say Martin Luther King III and Rajmohan Gandhi in humanitarian appeal for Gaza
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Full text: ‘Act now', say Martin Luther King III and Rajmohan Gandhi in humanitarian appeal for Gaza

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Buying Russian oil, misreading Trump—3 points will define India's next energy strategy
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Buying Russian oil, misreading Trump—3 points will define India's next energy strategy

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But if cheap oil was the goal, why not join or informally align with the price cap, securing crude closer to $60 without the complications of shadow fleets and sanctions risks? In July 2025, the EU lowered the cap to about $47 while Brent traded around $65. This offered another opportunity for cheaper imports, yet India stayed outside the framework, maintaining minimal discounts and ultimately seeing one of its companies sanctioned—for 'strategic autonomy.' Government claims of passing benefits to consumers are unconvincing: petrol prices hit Rs 105 per litre in 2025 versus Rs 95 in 2022. Recent relief correlates more with global declines—12 per cent over the past six months—than with Russian discounts. Savings estimates of $25 billion are offset by projections of $9–10 billion in potential losses if imports shift away from Russia, and much of the gain may reflect global oversupply rather than uniquely favourable Russian terms. 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His criticism of Europe, mocking remarks about Denmark and Canada, and public praise for Putin—especially his Oval Office dressing-down of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy—were interpreted in New Delhi as vindication: India stood to benefit from a US policy shift toward Russia. At first, the bilateral climate looked promising. The Trump administration's rhetoric suggested the Indo-Pacific would be his main strategic theatre. Anticipated friction over India's protectionism and trade deficit was being managed, with both sides pursuing a deal. Public displays of camaraderie continued—until 'Operation Sindoor.' That alone, however, was not the turning point. Trump's push to end the war in Ukraine faltered despite carrots for Russia and sticks for Ukraine. In fact, Russian attacks on Ukraine have doubled since Trump took charge in January. Frustrated, he shifted tone, endorsing the Lindsey–Blumenthal bill to sanction countries buying Russian oil, a measure with strong Senate backing. Simultaneously, the April 2 'Liberation Day' tariffs targeted nations with trade deficits with the US, India among them. Trump re-engaged with Europe, supplying Ukraine with weapons and extracting costly commitments: 5 per cent of GDP on defence, a trade deal with 15 per cent tariffs, and pledges of about $600 billion in US investment. Japan followed with similar concessions. Meanwhile, Trump prematurely claimed to have mediated Operation Sindoor, clashing with India's account. The fallout strained personal communication between Modi and Trump—tensions that might have been eased with a symbolic 'thank you' or diplomatic courtesy for facilitating the 'ceasefire.' Also read: India's export basket has no irreplaceables. It's a vulnerability in Trump's power politics What next for India and Russia Now, as India's NSA Ajit Doval visits Moscow in a show of solidarity, the moment calls for more than optics. Three issues must shape discussions with Russia: First — Payments. Confusion surrounds the currency used in the oil trade. The rupee–ruble mechanism has stalled, with billions of rupees stuck in Russian accounts. Russia's war economy leaves little incentive to reinvest in India despite earlier promises. Payments in dirhams have become harder after UAE banks shut Russian accounts under US pressure, and India hardly holds dirham reserves. Yuan payments are strategically risky for India, and gold settlements are not yet viable. Trade experts must directly address these bottlenecks. Second — Discounts. India avoided joining the sanctions regime, yet the discounts it received rarely justified the political and economic risks. With Russian imports already being cut and US crude purchases jumping 51 per cent in days, it is clear the 'discounted' oil was not cheap enough to offset sanctions or tariffs. Russia should now match its discounts to the new $47 price cap for ongoing purchases. Third — Parity with China. China remains Russia's largest energy buyer and reportedly enjoys deeper discounts. India must demand equal treatment for its remaining purchases. The stakes are high: India–US trade totals $212 billion, with $85 billion in Indian exports—40 per cent still exempt from tariffs. Finding workarounds while pursuing overdue structural reforms is essential. Strategic autonomy must be anchored in economic logic, ensuring national interest prevails over symbolic defiance—before multipolarity turns into 'messier-polarity.' Swasti Rao is a Consulting Editor (International and Strategic Affairs) at ThePrint. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)

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