
Will Thailand's deep south ever see lasting peace? – DW – 05/20/2025
Since January 2004, Thailand's deep south has seen ongoing conflict between separatist groups seeking greater autonomy and Thai military forces.
The violence is largely confined to the country's three southernmost provinces, Narathiwat, Pattani and Yala — home to a Muslim Malay majority in the predominantly Buddhist nation.
The region is located along the Thai-Malaysia border, and has seen over 23,000 violent incidents, leading to more than 7,000 deaths, according to Deep South Watch, a local think tank.
The Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), the dominant separatist group, has been implicated in attacks targeting civilians, including Buddhist monks and schoolteachers, according to Human Rights Watch.
Deadly attacks escalate conflict
Between January and early May this year, 38 violent incidents were recorded — almost as many as in all of 2024. Don Pathan, a Thailand-based security analyst, points to two attacks as key escalations.
Why is Thailand expelling Uyghur asylum seekers to China now
To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
The first came after Thailand's National Security Council and the BRN failed to reach a Ramadan ceasefire agreement in March, after which Thai Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai insisted that all violence must stop before talks resume.
The BRN responded with a March 9 attack on Narathiwat's Sungai Kolok District Office, wounding 12 people and killing two volunteer defense officers.
The second major incident came after the April 18 killing of senior BRN member Abdulroning Lateh, which saw the insurgents escalate beyond the rules of engagement in conflict by targeting civilians.
A brutal attack came on May 2 when a gunman shot dead at least three people in a residential area of Narathiwat province, including a 9-year-old girl, a 75-year-old man and a 76-year-old blind woman.
In response, Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra deployed more troops to the region to bolster security. And last week, Deputy PM Phumtham Wechayachai said that the Thai government is willing to engage in peace talks.
Thaksin vows to achieve peace
Tita Sanglee, an associate fellow at Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, believes both politicians' efforts are symbolic rather than practical.
"Paetongtarn and Phumtham's peace efforts are more symbolic than substantive. We all know that the situation on the ground is not really conducive to peace," she told DW.
"Phumtham's stance, at least early on, was quite tough. He was basically saying, 'we won't engage in talks unless the BRN proves its legitimacy by ending violence on the ground.'"
"I see this largely as a way to shift scrutiny onto the insurgents — and ultimately to shield the young and inexperienced prime minister," Sanglee said, suggesting that controlling the narrative seems to be the government's priority.
Thaksin Shinawatra, who was Thai PM when the insurgency renewed in 2004, has also become involved to help find a solution. He visited the region in February and said that he expects to see a complete end to the unrest by next year.
What is Malaysia's role in finding peace?
Thailand's ruling Pheu Thai party, which is strongly influenced by Thaksin, has since faced pressure to act.
Tita said the former PM's pledge has pushed the government to respond.
"In light of Thaksin's public pledge to end the Deep South's unrest by next year, there's a real need for the Pheu Thai government to demonstrate that it is taking the issue seriously and is actually doing something," she told DW.
Thaksin is an informal adviser to ASEAN chair Anwar Ibrahim, who is also the prime minister of Malaysia, which has been urged to take a greater role in peace efforts.
Thaksin Shinawatra remains a central figure in Thai politics, exerting influence despite his ousting from power 19 years ago Image: Lillian Suwanrumpha/AFP/Getty Images
The last official meeting about a peace solution between Thai government representatives and the BRN was in June 2024.
But in a post on social media this month, Paetongtarn said Malaysia is now crucial for any upcoming rounds of peace talks.
Anthony Davis, a Bangkok-based security analyst, said Malaysia could have more of an impact on reducing the hostilities.
"The Malaysians could arguably be doing more in terms of reining in BRN. Some elements almost certainly knew in advance that a Ramadan offensive was coming and apparently did nothing to head it off," he told DW, adding that Malaysia's role as "facilitator" limits its actions.
"There are also questions as to how far PM Anwar is focused on the Patani issue and whether he could afford the domestic political blowback of hard-knuckle moves against BRN leadership inside Malaysia when ultimately this is a Thai problem," he added.
Don Pathan believes Thailand should look at the BRN proposal, rather than relying on Malaysia.
"Malaysia is not exactly an honest broker; Malaysia is a stakeholder. The country shares the same border and the same religious and cultural similarities as the Malays of Patani," he told DW.
Pathan suggested that the Thai government should take seriously the BRN's counterproposal made in February, which included "setting up a negotiating team, releasing political prisoners, and allowing international observers to monitor a ceasefire."
"The BRN has said it is willing to negotiate under the Thai Constitution. BRN and the Patani Malays are willing to be part of the Thai state. But it has to be on their terms," he added.
New Thai prime minister third in family to hold office
To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
Edited by: Keith Walker
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


DW
14 hours ago
- DW
Syria: Hundreds demonstrate for Druze 'self-determination' – DW – 08/16/2025
Hundreds of Druze took to the streets of Sweida in Syria's south, with some waving Israeli flags. It comes after deadly clashes between Druze militias and Bedouin Sunni tribes. Hundreds of people demonstrated in the southern Syrian city of Sweida on Saturday, demanding the right for self-determination for the Druze minority. It comes after deadly clashes between Druze militias and armed Bedouin Sunni tribes that erupted on July 13. Syrian government forces intervened in the clashes in July, with Damascus saying it aimed to restore order in the Sweida region. But Druze groups and a UK-based war monitor have accused Damascus of siding with Bedouin Sunni and committing atrocities against members of the Druze community. Around 1,600 people were killed in the clashes, many of them Druze civilians, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. The Syrian military declared a ceasefire in Sweida days after the clashes erupted. Syria's new interim government under President Ahmed al-Sharaa has convened an investigative committee tasked with looking into the sectarian violence in the Sweida region and is to present a report in three months. Some demonstrators waved the Israeli flag in the Saturday protest in order to thank Israel for its intervention in Syria. Israel bombed Syrian government forces in July, saying it was acting to demilitarize southern Syria and protect the Druze minority. Druze activist Rayyan Maarouf told the Associated Press news agency that the protests were the first to use the slogan of self-determination. "This is an unprecedented change for the Druze in Syria," he said. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video While the Druze branched off from the Ismaili sect of Shiite Islam in the 10th Century, members of the religious group do not identify as Muslim. The largest Druze population is found in Syria, with substantial communities also found in Israel and Lebanon. Druze also make up the majority of the Arab population of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.


DW
2 days ago
- DW
Starvation is a war crime, but will justice ever be done? – DW – 08/15/2025
Experts say that food is increasingly being used as a weapon in conflicts in places like Sudan, Syria and Gaza. But there's never been a war crimes case about it in an international court. That may soon change. Calls to prosecute the war crime of starvation are becoming louder and more frequent. "[Famine] is a weapon of war being wielded across the globe at the moment. But this has to stop, it's against international humanitarian law," Shayna Lewis, senior adviser on Sudan for the US-based group PAEMA (Preventing and Ending Mass Atrocities) told DW recently. She was talking about the Sudanese city of El Fasher, which has been under siege for a year now and where food is running out for around 30,000 people trapped there. "It is a crime internationally and it needs to be prosecuted as such," Lewis argued. Human rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have said similar about Israel's blockade of aid and food into the Gaza Strip. "Israel is starving Gaza. It's genocide. It's a crime against humanity. It's a war crime," Michael Fakhri, the United Nations' special rapporteur on the right to food, told UK newspaper the last week. Experts say that part of the reason there are now more calls to prosecute starvation of civilians as a war crime, is that there is more famine being caused by conflict. Over the first decade of this century, there was very little famine, researchers at the World Peace Foundation, or WPF, wrote in a 2022 collection of essays, "Accountability for Starvation." But more recently that has changed. "This is an ancient phenomenon, fighting parties have been using it for centuries," Rebecca Bakos Blumenthal, a legal adviser with the Starvation Accountability project run by Netherlands-based law foundation, Global Rights Compliance, or GRC, says. " I think prior to 2015, we were doing quite well in terms of food security. But there's been a resurgence of this kind of conduct." Over the past decade, there have been conflict-related famines in Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Food security experts suggest Russian attacks on Ukraine's agricultural sector could also be seen as criminal attempts to weaponize food. Basically there's just more of this war crime happening again, they argue. "Even while global food security is improving, the incidence of famines is increasing," Alex de Waal, a professor at Tufts University in the US and head of the WPF's research into mass starvation, wrote last week. "This tells us that the global food security is more volatile and unequal. That's consistent with hunger being used as a weapon." The deliberate withholding of food or other essentials needed for civilians' survival is categorized as a war crime by many nations as well as in various iterations of international law, including the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute (which is applied by the International Criminal Court, or ICC). But so far, those who wield that "weapon" have never been brought to trial: The war crime of starvation has never been prosecuted in an international court on its own, only as a part of around 20 other war crimes cases. And just because civilians are going hungry in a conflict, doesn't mean a crime was committed. "One of the issues in law is the question of intent," de Waal told DW. "The war crime of starvation requires that the perpetrator is acting with intent." Starvation happens over the longer term, de Waal points out, and some legal scholars have argued it must be proven that a perpetrator intended to starve people from the very beginning of, for example, a siege or blockade. But most legal experts believe there could also be "indirect intent," de Waal explains. That is, it's clear that starvation will occur "in the normal course of events," and the perpetrator knows that, they've had opportunities to prevent it, but didn't do so. Another issue for any legal case involving starvation is the lack of precedent, and which international or national courts have jurisdiction over the alleged war criminals. Up until a couple of years ago, starvation was often seen as a developmental or humanitarian issue, GRC's Blumenthal explains. But now there is more attention being paid to its criminal aspects. "I've worked on this issue for quite a few years now and these things do move slowly," concedes Blumenthal, who's been looking at the issue since 2017. "But I do think the needle is moving and there have been some consequential steps taken over the past 10 years." In 2018, the UN Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2417, "condemning the starving of civilians as a method of warfare." In 2019, changes were made to the Rome Statute, making starvation a war crime in non-international armed conflicts too, rather than just international. There have also been UN commissions on conflicts in South Sudan and Ethiopia-Tigray specifically focusing on the topic of starvation as a war crime, Blumenthal points out. "We're seeing a lot more international organizations calling this out and certain striking examples, like the case of Gaza today, have really amplified awareness around the crime as well," she notes. In fact, the ICC warrants issued against Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant in November 2024, which specifically mention starvation, are a "historic milestone," Blumenthal notes. It's the first time that international warrants have been issued for starvation as a stand-alone crime. The ICC also has an open investigation into Sudan going, she adds. "The issue has undoubtedly gained more attention over the last 10 years," de Waal confirms. "The legal frameworks are all in place. What's lacking is the political will to act." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video There are still jurisdictional challenges, de Waal told DW. "But I am confident that there are many cases for which conviction is possible. It just requires getting the accused in court." Blumenthal agrees. "There are misconceptions around this and so many people think [starvation] is an inevitable part of war," she says. "But during our in-depth investigations, it's surprising how quickly it becomes clear that actually these patterns are very stark and in many situations, you can discern a deliberate strategy." Blumenthal is cautiously optimistic that one day soon those who deliberately starve civilians will face justice. "That is certainly the hope," she concludes. "That's what we are all working towards."


DW
2 days ago
- DW
Japan grapples with its past 80 years after World War II – DW – 08/15/2025
Right wing groups in Japan continue to push historical denialism in a bid to whitewashes wartime atrocities. South Korea, which suffered under Japanese occupation, wants Japan to be more open about the past. August 15th marks the 80th anniversary of Japan's unconditional surrender and the end of World War II, putting focus once again to the reckoning of the country's past. The domestic debate in Japan on shaping narratives about World War II is often referred to as "history wars." Japan's actions during the war are also a sore spot in international diplomacy. China and both North and South Korea have bitter memories of life under Japanese occupation and rarely miss an opportunity to remind their neighbor of the past. Inside Japan, what were once far-right fringe voices have grown more prominent in recent years by insisting on a narrative denying or minimizing the brutality of Imperial Japan during World War II. Historical revisionist groups want the victims of Imperial Japan's rampage across Asia and the Pacific eight decades ago to leave history in the past. "There are very few people alive today who experienced the war in any of these countries, but I do not think they will ever stop talking about it because it is an effective tool with which to bash Japan," said Hiromichi Moteki, chairman of the Tokyo-based Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact, which promotes an alternative narrative of Japan's actions during World War II. "They want to claim the moral high ground over Japan, but all we want to do is have the right to remember and honor our war dead and teach our younger generations the history of the nation," he told DW. Moteki's organization seeks to spreads its message by translating Japanese nationalist works of historical revisionism into English. An article published in the Georgetown University's Journal of International Affairs exploring historical revisionism in Japan describes Moteki's organization as part of an "interlocking web of small but vocal lobby groups" that emerged as part of a "denialist movement" in the 1990s. Other groups with similar aims include the "International Research Institute of Controversial Histories" or the "Historical Awareness Research Committee." Moteki's group, for example, insists World War II was not a war of aggression started by Japan but an act of self-defense against the US and European nations that had colonized Asia. It claims Imperial Japan "liberated" the countries it conquered. Similar to other nationalist organizations, the society also insists that euphemistically named "comfort women," most of whom were from Korea were not abducted and forced into sexual servitude but were in fact well-paid prostitutes. It also contends that Allied prisoners of war were well treated and that laborers from Korea and Taiwan willingly toiled in mines, shipyards or factories during the conflict. At the same time, the group says the US committed war crimes by dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The hundreds of trials carried out by the allies prosecuting Japanese troops for war crimes was merely "victor's justice." "These groups share a distinctive method of historical writing similar to the methods of Holocaust denialism," writes Tessa Morris-Suzuki, professor emerita of Japanese history in the College of Asia and Pacific at Australian National University. "They seize on historical documents that are often relatively obscure and cherry-pick them for information which supports their cause. These fragments of information are then strung together without contextualization into writing that overlooks source reliability, ignores contradictory evidence, and fundamentally misrepresents content," Morris-Suzuki wrote in the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. "These issues are embedded in a wider, all-embracing view of twentieth century Japanese history: one that presents Japan as the victim and attributes negative images of Japan's pre-war and wartime past to international propaganda conspiracies," she continues. The Georgetown report, which was published in 2021, said a "substantial number" of conservative lawmakers "belong to lobby groups which disseminate revisionist views." Historical revisionist lobby groups have also worked with diplomats on propaganda efforts abroad, including opposing monuments to "comfort women" in countries like the US and Germany. Yuji Hosaka is a professor of history and politics at Sejong University in South Korea who has long been critical of Japan's failure to honestly address its past, or to teach younger generations of the Japanese the truth about the war-time era. "I see many on the right in Japan who just want to forget about all the bad things that happened when Japan occupied Korea and invaded China and southeast Asia,' he said. "These people often say that Japan brought development and modern technology to help these countries, but that just makes the people of Korea angry." Korean historians largely agree that after annexing the peninsula from 1910, Japan forcefully assimilated the Korean people, forbade them to speak their own language, suppressed the indigenous culture and exploited the land and its people. The intent was to make Korea a part of the Japanese empire, with thousands of Koreans serving in the Japanese military during the war. Hosaka says that Japanese history school books still gloss over the atrocities carried out by the Japanese military, with often little or no mention of the Nanjing Massacre which killed hundreds of thousands in China, the abuse of civilian laborers and POWs or other crimes for which Japanese were executed after the war. "Those who forget the past will inevitably find themselves in a similar situation again in the future," he said. "It is imperative that Japan learns from the past." "In the past, Germany and France worked together to create common history books for their children," he added. "I believe that Japan should reach out to Korea and China and do the same thing." An editorial in the July 7 edition of the newspaper declared, "It's time Japan faced its war crimes and militarist past." For China, the Nanjing Massacre continues to bear weight in the present day. According to Chinese historians, 300,000 civilians and soldiers were killed in a six-week frenzy of murder, torture, rape, arson and looting after the invading Japanese military entered Nanjing, then the capital city of China, on December 13, 1937. Moteki and others on the right say successive Japanese leaders have expressed genuine remorse for what happened nearly a century ago but that other countries always say the apologies are inadequate or are insincere. "It will never change," said Moteki, who was born in 1941. "Japan has to defend itself from these criticisms and verbal attacks. But the time has come for Japan to stop apologizing because it is meaningless now." On August 15, the anniversary of the emperor announcing in a radio broadcast that Japan was surrendering, Moteki will go to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo to pay his respects to war dead. He will be surrounded by thousands more who want to mark the anniversary, including dwindling numbers of old soldiers, the relatives of men who fought, and far-right groups in uniforms. Yasukuni is the last resting place of more than 2.4 million military and civilian victims of war in Japan since 1869. To other nations, however, Yasukuni is a controversial symbol, as it also honors more than 1,000 people convicted of war crimes.