
I saw how easily migrants can breach the EU's flimsy first line of defence
As the sun sets and the mosquitoes multiply, a small group of young men quietly gathers at a cluster of abandoned stone farmhouses in the northern flatlands of Serbia, roughly a mile from the border with Hungary.
Tonight, led by two facilitators, the 10 plan to reach the border on foot, then cross it by climbing over several layers of fencing fortified with barbed wire. This is the next step on their long journey to flee Taliban rule in Afghanistan, with a few hoping to make it all the way to the UK.
It will require quickly scaling a ladder that will be hauled in for the purpose, avoiding detection by the many surveillance cameras that dot the border fence, and staying out of sight of police from Serbia, Hungary and Frontex – the EU's border force.
This is the scenario unfolding daily, in secret, at multiple points in the north and west of Serbia along the border with Hungary, Croatia and Bosnia.
These countries form part of the Western Balkans route for migrants, popular with those fleeing Syria and Afghanistan, who typically travel overland via Bulgaria and Turkey, and, in some cases, Iran.
Many of them then make their way across Europe to the northern coast of France, where they board small boats and cross the English Channel before landing on the UK's shores.
In 2024, Syrians and Afghans were the top two nationalities of migrants arriving via small boats, accounting for nearly a third of all recorded Channel crossings, according to government data.
Russia also has a part to play in fuelling migration, with evidence pointing to Moscow physically moving people towards the EU's borders and supporting smugglers, as a way to destabilise Europe.
Efforts to address the Western Balkans route have been hailed as a success, with Frontex reporting a 78 per cent drop in irregular border crossings last year.
However, experts say that the decrease is not quite as dramatic as trumpeted, because much of the crossing activity is not captured in the data, with many migrants moving undetected.
As The Telegraph found, the route remains active, particularly along the Serbia-Hungary border.
It is happening even as Sir Keir Starmer continues to pledge to tackle illegal migration and ' smash the gangs ' by funding foreign law enforcement. The Prime Minister announced greater co-operation to resolve the escalating immigration and asylum crisis during a visit to Albania in May.
Some migrants choose to pay smugglers to travel on the more circuitous – and therefore less expensive – route to cross into Bosnia, then Croatia, an EU member state.
Those with no funds try an even more dangerous option – toclamber across the undersides of bridges that span a river demarcating the border between Serbia and Bosnia.
'There is some decrease, definitely, but it's not in such a high percentage as presented,' said Milica Svabic, a lawyer with KlikAktiv, an NGO in Belgrade that provides services to migrants, from legal information to humanitarian aid.
'People are just not as visible as they were before,' she said.
Some authorities have also pointed to a decline in the number of people staying at official migrant camps run by the Serbian government.
But many migrants told The Telegraph they were deliberately choosing to stay away from state-run facilities out of fear that they would be deported by Serbia, where the government is under pressure from other European countries which have hardened their migration policies.
Gone, too, are the sprawling tent cities that used to cover border areas and the hordes of migrants resting in public parks, spots that remain well-known to police and are routinely subject to checks. Migrants detained during such operations also risk being deported.
On the move
Instead, migrants are sleeping in abandoned farmhouses and factories by night, and staying nomadic by day to avoid being discovered by the police.
Signs of people on the move were plentiful. In Serbia's borderlands, the ground was dotted with discarded clothes, old SIM cards, and empty cans of energy drinks – a cheap, quick way to re-fuel while on the go. Darkened firepits used to cook meagre meals were also a common sight.
In one migrant hideout, a toothbrush and tube of toothpaste were stashed inside an old fireplace, and a Koran was perched on a window sill.
Nobody was present, but a covered pot contained recently cooked rice.
Nearby, in a wooded area, The Telegraph found a trio of young men from Afghanistan sheltering under large, leafy trees. Their shoes, drenched from heavy rain the day before, were drying nearby in the sun.
The eldest, a 25 year-old who had worked in the local police force under the previous Afghan government, was forced to escape after the Taliban resumed power in 2021.
'We didn't have any democracy,' said Farid, whose name has been changed at his request for fear of retribution. 'The Taliban was even controlling whether we could shave: they wanted us to grow long beards.
'My family is asking me for a better future, so I'm giving it my all, trying my best. All I think about is them.'
He added: 'I have no other choice but to go: the Taliban will kill me if I'm sent back. My son is seven years old, and he begs me to move him out of Afghanistan, too.'
Out of money and in hiding
Two years ago, Farid paid smugglers $3,000 (£2,200) to get him from Afghanistan to Iran, where he waited about half a year before then moving on to Turkey.
There, he worked unofficially at a plastics factory, saving money for the next leg of his journey – $4,000 (£2,900) to travel from Turkey through Bulgaria and into Serbia. It took several months to amass the funds, as the factory boss sometimes withheld his wages.
In all, it took an exhausting 17 days to move across three countries, mostly on foot and in secret, with the help of a guide.
Now, with the money they had saved spent, and hiding near the border with Hungary, he and the two others, both 18, were mulling the possibility of scaling the border fence into the EU on their own.
A best-case scenario would be if they could find a section of fence that had already been cut by others – the easiest way to get across quickly. If that failed, they would have no choice but to turn again to smugglers for help.
Migrants, like those in Farid's group, are generally moving in much smaller numbers in an effort to evade the authorities. In previous years, it was common to encounter groups of up to 70 people walking toward the border. Now, a large group would consist of around 20 people.
Meeting points along the border, designated by smugglers, begin to get busier as the sun sets – with the last hours of daylight used for preparation.
The Telegraph observed a group of migrants dragging two small tree trunks to light a fire to cook and eat a final meal to fuel their night-time journey. They might make multiple attempts before a successful, undetected crossing into Hungary.
Some had already tried before, getting as far as Budapest, the country's capital, before being pushed back to Serbia.
In some instances, the border hinders police. For example, Hungarian forces can see smuggling activity on the Serbian side but cannot cross over to intervene.
Fleeing extreme persecution
Like Farid, some of the men in the group The Telegraph shadowed – a mix of teenagers and people aged in their 20s – had worked in the military or police under the previous government. When the Taliban came to power, they faced extreme persecution or death, so decided to flee.
Mustafa, 28, who declined to give his real name, carried in his backpack a prized possession: a sleeping bag.
'I hope to get to Birmingham, where my brother arrived about 10 months ago,' he said. 'We couldn't go together, because I was still working in a textile factory in Turkey.'
The data cannot show the individual circumstances that affect exactly when migrants choose to travel. Many that The Telegraph met along Serbia's border, like Mustafa, had stayed for months or even years in transit countries, such as Iran and Turkey, working odd jobs in secret.
Many remained the sole breadwinners for their families, and had dual goals of saving enough to get back on the road, while also supporting their relatives at home. They had to find a way to make money along the way.
Crossing from Serbia into the EU was almost straightforward, in contrast to what they had endured until now: escaping the Taliban; crossing multiple borders; evading many different militaries and police forces; and dodging sophisticated surveillance like the thermal cameras on the southern and eastern borders of Turkey.
As the night sky darkened, Mustafa's group quietly prepared to leave. To pass the time – nobody would attempt to cross the border until it was pitch black – Mustafa pulled out his phone to watch a short video online with the other boys.
He made sure to turn the volume down in case anyone was within earshot, though the group was fairly well hidden in an expansive stretch of quiet farmland.
When the time came, they shrugged on their backpacks and readied themselves to embark on another epic leg – in hopes of building a new, better life.
'Europe,' they said together, before turning around and trudging towards the border.
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The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Revealed: Home Office pays migrants £53m to leave UK
The UK has paid migrants £53 million to leave the country over the past four years, The Independent can reveal. Under a voluntary return scheme run by the government, migrants can receive up to £3,000 as an incentive to return to their home country, as part of what are known as 'assisted returns'. They also have their flights paid for as part of the deal. Assisted returns have been on the rise in recent years, with 2,179 people travelling home this way in 2022 compared to 6,799 people in 2024. Between 2021 and 2024, 13,637 people have taken an assisted return, according to Home Office data. In the UK, a person can qualify for this money if they are returning to a developing country, are a failed asylum seeker, are a confirmed victim of modern slavery, are sleeping rough or have a medical condition. In 2024, over half of the foreign nationals who accepted assisted returns were from Brazil, with 3,573 taking up the offer. The second highest nationality was India, with 915 people returning in 2024, and then 271 going back to Honduras. The Home Office insists the voluntary return scheme is a 'much more cost-effective alternative for the taxpayer' than paying for accommodation and support for those facing deportation from the UK. Charity Asylum Matters also said a properly-run system can be much cheaper than the 'expensive cruelty of forced removals', but can also result in 'immeasurable better outcomes' for the asylum seekers. But it called for bespoke support for migrants, with independent bodies funded to provide advice and tailored help to those returning to countries. In 2015, the government cancelled funding for independent advice for those considering return. Asylum Matters executive director Louise Calvey told The Independent: 'When a supportive, dignified system is provably more cost effective than the alternative, it becomes clear we need to have honest conversations about the amount of money we're prepared to waste on cruelty and hostility. 'Such a system shouldn't just mean handing someone a plane ticket and a cash card. Without bespoke support, rooted in non-governmental bodies able to give independent advice and tailored help, both in the UK and in the country of return, people are effectively abandoned back into the difficult circumstances they had fled.' Sir Keir Starmer boasted in March that migrant returns had reached the highest rate in eight years, under Labour. He claimed to have 'removed more than 24,000 people with no right to be here', but was criticised for not making clear that this included people who had left the UK voluntarily. Invoices analysed by government procurement experts show the Home Office paid Prepaid Payment Solutions Ltd £53,894,226 from 2021 to February 2025 for voluntary assisted returns. Prepaid Payment Solutions Ltd offer 'versatile payment solutions including virtual and physical cards…for businesses and government entities'. Under the scheme, up to £3,000 is provided as a single payment on a card, which can only be used in the country of return, according to advice from the No Recourse to Public Fund network. Similar schemes are in place in EU countries. In Italy, migrants are offered €615 before their departure or immediately on arrival in the country of origin, and then given €2,000 plus €1000 for each family member. Families with a child under 18 also qualify for support of up to £3,000. If someone accepts this offer, they will then be subject to a 're-entry ban', which is meant to stop them returning to the UK for a specific time period. How long the ban is depends on the person's immigration record and on how much support they had from the Home Office when they left. Meanwhile, Dolores Modern, from the Latin American Women's Rights Service, said they have heard about Brazilian community Facebook groups sharing information about voluntary returns. Ms Modern said that her organisation doesn't encourage voluntary returns because it is hard for people to fully consent to the process. She said: 'You can never be sure that there is real informed consent. Sometimes they might be feeling pressured. 'Many Brazilians come here not knowing that they are not allowed to work, and learning that once they are here. If they do get in an exploitative work situation, their visa often runs out when they are in that exploitation and they don't know who to turn to, they don't know that they can go to the police. They find themselves trapped, and once they are out, they might consider voluntary return. 'People also come here escaping violence and then once they are here they find their situation very difficult, and they might consider returning as one of their options. 'We had one recent case of a woman who was in the domestic servitude of another woman, she was brought to the UK specifically from Brazil for that job. She found herself in a really precarious and exploitative situation, and when she managed to escape that situation she knew she wanted to go back to Brazil. The consulate spoke to her about voluntary return, and she went back.' A Home Office spokesperson said: 'Since coming to office, this government has taken immediate action to ensure immigration rules are respected and enforced. We have returned nearly 30,000 failed asylum seekers, foreign criminals and other immigration offenders with no right to be in the UK, a 12 per cent increase compared to the same period 12 months ago. 'Under successive governments, the facilitation of voluntary returns has been considered a much more cost-effective alternative for the taxpayer than paying for the accommodation and support of individuals awaiting enforced deportation from the UK. To put this total in perspective, around £54 million was being spent every six days on asylum hotels alone under the previous administration, at the peak of their use in Autumn 2023.'


The Guardian
4 hours ago
- The Guardian
Manaj freezes on fiery stage as Albania and Serbia stalemate keeps uneasy peace
Inside Arena Kombëtare, more than 20,000 supporters caught their breaths and trained every last squint of focus on Rey Manaj. Outside, the legions who had flooded into Tirana all day just to be part of things, some queueing at borders before racing to bars and public viewings through the heat, clasped their beers. Albania had been awarded a penalty and nobody cared that it was soft; if Manaj kept his nerve then maybe a football hero could finally be born, the accursed feel around this fixture banished at long last. Manaj straightened up, perhaps a little too much, and approached the ball head on. If he needed any reminder of the context he could always heed the reverberations of 'Serbia, Serbia, f*ck your sister' that had formed much of the day's soundtrack and had only just paused before he stepped up. The shot was low, far too close to Djordje Petrovic and firmly pawed to safety. The half-time whistle sounded immediately, members of Serbia's delegation making a beeline for the pitch to embrace their keeper. For Manaj, all that lingered was the frozen image of a moment he had failed to meet. In the end this occasion managed to pass a bigger test, but only by the skin of its teeth and not without probable repercussions. A goalless draw was always likely to keep the peace and, given these sides' catastrophic meeting in Belgrade almost 11 years ago, the real measure of success was in its smooth completion. There were no drone-shaped holes in a rigorous security project; no battles raging into the small hours of what had been a close, sweltering, febrile night. Nobody could boast of having turned proceedings upside down, on or off the field. Nonetheless Uefa's match delegate, the Swiss former police chief Jacques Antenen, will have had enough to occupy his thoughts as he made his way through the stand half an hour after full time before sitting inside to debrief with colleagues from Fifa. Antenen was selected specially for his weight in dealing with high-risk events and his in-tray looked certain to bulge when, in the 65th minute, the referee Davide Massa called a pause for the third time. Objects had periodically rained down on Serbia's players from the venue's east stand, leading the public address announcer to plead for calm when Sasa Lukic was struck upon preparing to take an early corner. Shortly before the hour Strahinja Erakovic was struck near the far touchline, a similar entreaty ensuing; when Andrija Zivkovic felt a similar impact soon afterwards the warning signs could hardly have been clearer. Massa appeared twice to gesture for the teams to depart, but settled for a lengthy conversation with both sets of players after corralling them towards the centre circle. It ended with Berat Djimsiti, the Albania captain, approaching the offending section of fans. Police quickly moved in to deter future missile throwers and the final half-hour's play passed peacefully enough. Ultimately, Massa should be commended for mastering an unacceptable situation and perhaps recognising that taking the most drastic step may have had the effect of escalating it. So an uneasy peace rumbles on until the countries meet again in October, when Serbia will be tasked with keeping their own rogue elements in check. There was no mistaking the tone on a walk towards the ground along Bulevardi Deshmoret e Kombit in the hours before kick-off. Albania and Serbia will co-host the Uefa Under-21 championship in 2027 but local ultras do not share the perspective of the diplomats behind that scheme. 'Old enemies do not become new friends,' read a large flag displayed atop the Pyramid of Tirana, bearing the image of prominent Albanian resistance leader Elez Isufi. Fans scaled more than 100 steps to join the spectacle; youths on bicycles set off red smoke flares down below. Across the road members of Tifozat Kuq e Zi, the influential group effectively barred from this game after being denied their usual ticket allocation, prepared to march with a banner taking aim at Albania's football association. Sign up to Football Daily Kick off your evenings with the Guardian's take on the world of football after newsletter promotion Their message was clear: 'Take away our tickets, bring the police in front of us, you can't kill the heart that beats for Albania.' Inside the stadium those who had got lucky in the ballot, or in some cases paid four-figure sums on the black market, did their best to set blood pumping. It did not resemble a corporate-addled atmosphere when Serbia warmed up to deafening whistles and invective. Those continued throughout their national anthem, when local mascots accompanying Lazar Samardzic and Aleksandar Mitrovic showed cameras the 'eagle' sign that has given football's governing bodies plenty of homework at recent tournaments. A predictably fraught match offered little suggestion either side can threaten England at the top of Group K. Serbia's technical supremacy was rarely matched by attacking thrust although it took a stupendous save from Thomas Strakosha to claw away Mitrovic's textbook header after the interval. Mitrovic missed another chance but it was Albania, roared forward with the slightest encouragement but short on quality, who should have won. Manaj had passed up on his shot at immortality but Nedim Bajrami should have rendered that a distant memory when offered a clear opportunity to put things right. His tame effort gave Petrovic no trouble and was, overall, of a piece with the affair. 'We deserved more, but this is football,' said the Albania manager Sylvinho. Such bromides will do little to console Manaj. But perhaps the fact sport could just about dictate the post-match discussion points to a better way forward for friends and enemies alike.


Telegraph
6 hours ago
- Telegraph
I saw how easily migrants can breach the EU's flimsy first line of defence
As the sun sets and the mosquitoes multiply, a small group of young men quietly gathers at a cluster of abandoned stone farmhouses in the northern flatlands of Serbia, roughly a mile from the border with Hungary. Tonight, led by two facilitators, the 10 plan to reach the border on foot, then cross it by climbing over several layers of fencing fortified with barbed wire. This is the next step on their long journey to flee Taliban rule in Afghanistan, with a few hoping to make it all the way to the UK. It will require quickly scaling a ladder that will be hauled in for the purpose, avoiding detection by the many surveillance cameras that dot the border fence, and staying out of sight of police from Serbia, Hungary and Frontex – the EU's border force. This is the scenario unfolding daily, in secret, at multiple points in the north and west of Serbia along the border with Hungary, Croatia and Bosnia. These countries form part of the Western Balkans route for migrants, popular with those fleeing Syria and Afghanistan, who typically travel overland via Bulgaria and Turkey, and, in some cases, Iran. Many of them then make their way across Europe to the northern coast of France, where they board small boats and cross the English Channel before landing on the UK's shores. In 2024, Syrians and Afghans were the top two nationalities of migrants arriving via small boats, accounting for nearly a third of all recorded Channel crossings, according to government data. Russia also has a part to play in fuelling migration, with evidence pointing to Moscow physically moving people towards the EU's borders and supporting smugglers, as a way to destabilise Europe. Efforts to address the Western Balkans route have been hailed as a success, with Frontex reporting a 78 per cent drop in irregular border crossings last year. However, experts say that the decrease is not quite as dramatic as trumpeted, because much of the crossing activity is not captured in the data, with many migrants moving undetected. As The Telegraph found, the route remains active, particularly along the Serbia-Hungary border. It is happening even as Sir Keir Starmer continues to pledge to tackle illegal migration and ' smash the gangs ' by funding foreign law enforcement. The Prime Minister announced greater co-operation to resolve the escalating immigration and asylum crisis during a visit to Albania in May. Some migrants choose to pay smugglers to travel on the more circuitous – and therefore less expensive – route to cross into Bosnia, then Croatia, an EU member state. Those with no funds try an even more dangerous option – toclamber across the undersides of bridges that span a river demarcating the border between Serbia and Bosnia. 'There is some decrease, definitely, but it's not in such a high percentage as presented,' said Milica Svabic, a lawyer with KlikAktiv, an NGO in Belgrade that provides services to migrants, from legal information to humanitarian aid. 'People are just not as visible as they were before,' she said. Some authorities have also pointed to a decline in the number of people staying at official migrant camps run by the Serbian government. But many migrants told The Telegraph they were deliberately choosing to stay away from state-run facilities out of fear that they would be deported by Serbia, where the government is under pressure from other European countries which have hardened their migration policies. Gone, too, are the sprawling tent cities that used to cover border areas and the hordes of migrants resting in public parks, spots that remain well-known to police and are routinely subject to checks. Migrants detained during such operations also risk being deported. On the move Instead, migrants are sleeping in abandoned farmhouses and factories by night, and staying nomadic by day to avoid being discovered by the police. Signs of people on the move were plentiful. In Serbia's borderlands, the ground was dotted with discarded clothes, old SIM cards, and empty cans of energy drinks – a cheap, quick way to re-fuel while on the go. Darkened firepits used to cook meagre meals were also a common sight. In one migrant hideout, a toothbrush and tube of toothpaste were stashed inside an old fireplace, and a Koran was perched on a window sill. Nobody was present, but a covered pot contained recently cooked rice. Nearby, in a wooded area, The Telegraph found a trio of young men from Afghanistan sheltering under large, leafy trees. Their shoes, drenched from heavy rain the day before, were drying nearby in the sun. The eldest, a 25 year-old who had worked in the local police force under the previous Afghan government, was forced to escape after the Taliban resumed power in 2021. 'We didn't have any democracy,' said Farid, whose name has been changed at his request for fear of retribution. 'The Taliban was even controlling whether we could shave: they wanted us to grow long beards. 'My family is asking me for a better future, so I'm giving it my all, trying my best. All I think about is them.' He added: 'I have no other choice but to go: the Taliban will kill me if I'm sent back. My son is seven years old, and he begs me to move him out of Afghanistan, too.' Out of money and in hiding Two years ago, Farid paid smugglers $3,000 (£2,200) to get him from Afghanistan to Iran, where he waited about half a year before then moving on to Turkey. There, he worked unofficially at a plastics factory, saving money for the next leg of his journey – $4,000 (£2,900) to travel from Turkey through Bulgaria and into Serbia. It took several months to amass the funds, as the factory boss sometimes withheld his wages. In all, it took an exhausting 17 days to move across three countries, mostly on foot and in secret, with the help of a guide. Now, with the money they had saved spent, and hiding near the border with Hungary, he and the two others, both 18, were mulling the possibility of scaling the border fence into the EU on their own. A best-case scenario would be if they could find a section of fence that had already been cut by others – the easiest way to get across quickly. If that failed, they would have no choice but to turn again to smugglers for help. Migrants, like those in Farid's group, are generally moving in much smaller numbers in an effort to evade the authorities. In previous years, it was common to encounter groups of up to 70 people walking toward the border. Now, a large group would consist of around 20 people. Meeting points along the border, designated by smugglers, begin to get busier as the sun sets – with the last hours of daylight used for preparation. The Telegraph observed a group of migrants dragging two small tree trunks to light a fire to cook and eat a final meal to fuel their night-time journey. They might make multiple attempts before a successful, undetected crossing into Hungary. Some had already tried before, getting as far as Budapest, the country's capital, before being pushed back to Serbia. In some instances, the border hinders police. For example, Hungarian forces can see smuggling activity on the Serbian side but cannot cross over to intervene. Fleeing extreme persecution Like Farid, some of the men in the group The Telegraph shadowed – a mix of teenagers and people aged in their 20s – had worked in the military or police under the previous government. When the Taliban came to power, they faced extreme persecution or death, so decided to flee. Mustafa, 28, who declined to give his real name, carried in his backpack a prized possession: a sleeping bag. 'I hope to get to Birmingham, where my brother arrived about 10 months ago,' he said. 'We couldn't go together, because I was still working in a textile factory in Turkey.' The data cannot show the individual circumstances that affect exactly when migrants choose to travel. Many that The Telegraph met along Serbia's border, like Mustafa, had stayed for months or even years in transit countries, such as Iran and Turkey, working odd jobs in secret. Many remained the sole breadwinners for their families, and had dual goals of saving enough to get back on the road, while also supporting their relatives at home. They had to find a way to make money along the way. Crossing from Serbia into the EU was almost straightforward, in contrast to what they had endured until now: escaping the Taliban; crossing multiple borders; evading many different militaries and police forces; and dodging sophisticated surveillance like the thermal cameras on the southern and eastern borders of Turkey. As the night sky darkened, Mustafa's group quietly prepared to leave. To pass the time – nobody would attempt to cross the border until it was pitch black – Mustafa pulled out his phone to watch a short video online with the other boys. He made sure to turn the volume down in case anyone was within earshot, though the group was fairly well hidden in an expansive stretch of quiet farmland. When the time came, they shrugged on their backpacks and readied themselves to embark on another epic leg – in hopes of building a new, better life. 'Europe,' they said together, before turning around and trudging towards the border.