Asian markets extend losses amid Trump tariff uncertainty
TAIPEI, Taiwan — Stock markets in Asia fell sharply when they opened on Friday, continuing the steep declines recorded in the United States, amid fears of a full-blown global trade war and an economic recession sparked by President Donald Trump's tariff blitz.
China, one of the hardest hit by this week's tariffs, has vowed to take 'firm countermeasures' to retaliate, although Beijing has not yet provided any detail.
Analysts say the escalation diminishes to chances of negotiations between the leaders of the world's two largest economies, but other regional leaders seized on Trump's suggestion he might be open to cutting deals, despite his previous insistence that he was not interested in discussing exemptions to his tariffs.
Amid the ongoing uncertainty, shares in Australia, Japan and South Korea opened lower on Friday.
Japan's Nikkei-225 fell by more than 2 percent and the Topix by almost 3 percent when trading opened in Tokyo, with automakers including Toyota and Honda particularly badly hit, each down more than 5 percent Friday morning, after Trump introduced a 25 percent tariff on all foreign-made cars and car parts.
Australia's ASX-200 declined almost 2 percent in early trading Friday and South Korea's KOSPI lost 1.15 percent, although it quickly recovered. Trading in China and Hong Kong was closed on Friday for the Tomb Sweeping Day holiday.
In the U.S. on Thursday, stocks closed down sharply, with the tech-heavy Nasdaq falling close to 6 percent for the day and the S&P 500 notching its biggest one-day drop since summer of 2020, closing down 4.8 percent. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell almost 4 percent.
On a day he branded 'Liberation Day,' Trump on Wednesday announced a 10 percent tariff that would apply to imports from every country, and a separate set of what he called 'reciprocal' tariffs that impose a higher country-specific rate.
These included a new tariff of 34 percent on Chinese goods, on top of the 20 percent levy already imposed as Trump accused Beijing of not doing enough to stop the flow of fentanyl and its precursors into the U.S. It is also in addition to existing tariffs on goods including some appliances, machinery and clothing that were already as high as 45 percent.
'Trade wars and tariff wars have no winners, and protectionism will lead nowhere,' Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun said Thursday. 'The U.S. needs to correct its wrongdoings and resolve trade disputes with countries, including China, through consultation with equality, respect and mutual benefit.'
Trump also closed the 'de minimis' loophole that allowed items being shipped or brought into the United States that are worth less than $800 to circumvent import taxes, a move that will hit customers of Chinese e-commerce sites like Shein and Temu particularly hard.
Trump also slapped duties of 24 and 26 percent on Japan and South Korea, respectively — both are key U.S. security allies and major trading partners — and 32 percent on Taiwan, although he exempted its advanced semiconductors from the levies.
Trump also targeted many of the countries that had benefited from companies' efforts to diversify supply chains away from China: Cambodia was stung with a 49 percent tariff, Vietnam with 46 percent, and Thailand, 36 percent.
While China vowed to retaliate, other major economies in Asia — including security allies Japan and South Korea — held out hope that they would be able to win exemptions through negotiations, even though Trump had repeatedly ruled out any appetite for cutting deals.
Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te said in a statement late Thursday that he was looking forward to 'working closely with the U.S. to ensure a fair, mutually beneficial approach that strengthens our shared prosperity.'
But after U.S. markets closed down sharply Thursday, Trump told reporters on Air Force One that he would be open to striking deals with individual countries.
'Every country is calling us. That's the beauty of what we do,' Trump said. 'We put ourselves in the driver's seat. If we would have asked these countries to do us a favor, they would have said no. Now they will do anything for us.'
Trump added: 'The tariffs give us great power to negotiate. They always have.'
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Vox
16 minutes ago
- Vox
Why Donald Trump soured on some of his own judges
Late last month, approximately 1 billion news cycles ago, an obscure federal court made President Donald Trump very, very mad. The US Court of International Trade ruled unanimously on May 28 that the massive tariffs Trump imposed after taking office again are illegal. That ruling was suspended the next day by the US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, and the tariffs will be allowed to remain in effect pending a ruling (arguments are scheduled for late July). But the appellate court's decision didn't soothe Trump. He took to Truth Social on May 29 to post a 510-word screed attacking the judges on the Court of International Trade, before turning his ire toward a more surprising candidate — Leonard Leo, the most important person in the conservative legal movement. 'I was new to Washington, and it was suggested that I use The Federalist Society as a recommending source on Judges,' Trump wrote, reminiscing about his first term. 'I did so, openly and freely, but then realized that they were under the thumb of a real 'sleazebag' named Leonard Leo, a bad person who, in his own way, probably hates America, and obviously has his own separate ambitions.' This breakup surprised many commentators. But not David French. 'If you're familiar with how the conservative legal movement has interacted with MAGA, you have seen this coming for a while,' French, a New York Times columnist, lawyer, and onetime member of the Federalist Society, told Today, Explained co-host Sean Rameswaram. 'You knew this was coming after 2020. Because in 2020, after Trump had really stocked the federal judiciary with an awful lot of FedSoc judges and justices…none of them, zero of them, helped him try to steal the election.' French spoke with Today, Explained about the origins of the (other) big, beautiful breakup and what it means for the Trump administration and the future of the federal judiciary. Below is an excerpt of the conversation, edited for length and clarity. There's much more in the full podcast, so listen to Today, Explained wherever you get podcasts, including Apple Podcasts, Pandora, and Spotify. Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Federalist Society? I am not now, but I have been a member of the Federalist Society. I was a member of the Federalist Society either all three years of law school or the first two years of law school. But it was also a very different time. I think the Federalist Society at the law school at that time, when we would have meetings, maybe 10 or 12 people would show up. Things have changed. One of the most conspicuous changes is that FedSoc has become an enemy of the president of the United States. From [2020] forward, you began to see this drifting apart between FedSoc and MAGA. When Trump comes back into office and he doubles down on being Donald Trump, all of this became very, very predictable. Because if the Trump administration's argument dovetailed with their originalist legal philosophy, they would rule for it. But if it was just simply Trump's lawless demands, they were going to reject it. And Trump is baffled by this distinction. He's baffled by it because congressional Republicans haven't drawn this line at all. When Trump's demands conflict with conservative principles, they will yield to Trump's demands every time. And the judges and justices have taken the opposite tack to such an extent that Republican-nominated judges have ruled against Trump about 72 percent of the time, which is remarkably close to about the 80 percent or so of the time that Democratic-appointed judges have ruled against Trump. You mentioned a whole host of issues where FedSoc judges have perhaps not given Trump what he wanted. Does the one that finally tips Trump off to go for it on Truth Social surprise you? It doesn't, because what really set him off was striking down tariffs. To the extent that Trump loves a policy, he loves tariffs. The Court of International Trade struck it down, and it was pointed out to him that one of the judges on the Court of International Trade that struck down the tariffs was appointed by him. He had been ranting about judges in general. Now he got specific with Leonard Leo; he got specific with the FedSoc. People like me who'd been watching this for a very long time were not wondering if this was going to happen. We were just wondering what was going to be the tipping point: Was it going to be a Supreme Court case? Was it going to be an appellate court? It turns out it was the Court of International Trade that brought us to this moment. Leonard Leo did not author a decision from this court. Why is he mad at Leonard Leo? Leonard Leo has long been a key figure in the Federalist Society and was very much a part of the first Trump administration, working closely with the administration to put forward judges. For a long time, Trump looked at his judicial nominations and waved them like a flag to the American conservative public saying, look what I did. But the more the American conservative public started loving Trump as Trump, versus Trump as what policy wins he could deliver, the less he started waving these other ideological flags, and the more it became all about him. And so this meant that this marriage was going to be temporary almost from the beginning, unless FedSoc capitulated. And if you know anything about FedSoc and the people who belong to it, and the people who've come up as judges, I knew they weren't going to capitulate. It's a very different culture from political conservatism. Do you think Donald Trump didn't realize that? I don't think he realized that at all. He's had this entire history politically of when Republicans disagree with him, they either fall in line or they're steamrolled. And so it's so interesting to me that he actually began that Truth Social rant that lacerated Leonard Leo and the FedSoc with this question: What's going on? Why is this happening? And I totally understand his bafflement. Because all of the political people had surrendered, or almost all of them. And so when he turns around and these judges and justices just keep ruling against him, you can understand why he would take that as, 'What's going on here? I don't get this. I don't understand this. I've been assured that these were good judges.' And so that's where you get to that real tension. Do you think this rift with the Federalist Society will affect how he appoints judges going forward? The short answer to that question is yes. The longer answer to that question is heck yes. A lot of people were worried about this because they were thinking, Okay, Trump 1.0: He has General Mattis as his secretary of defense. Trump 2.0: He has Pete Hegseth. You can do this all day long. The Trump 1.0 early nominations — sound, serious, establishment conservatives. Trump 2.0 — often MAGA crazies. The question was, 'Is this same pattern going to establish itself in Trump 2.0 on judges?' And then he appointed to the Third Circuit Emil Bove, this DOJ enforcer of his who was responsible for the effort to dismiss the Eric Adams case. He's nominated him for the Third Circuit, and a lot of people are now saying, 'Oh, now that's your harbinger right there.'


Vox
16 minutes ago
- Vox
What drove the tech right's — and Elon Musk's — big, failed bet on Trump
is a senior writer at Future Perfect, Vox's effective altruism-inspired section on the world's biggest challenges. She explores wide-ranging topics like climate change, artificial intelligence, vaccine development, and factory farms, and also writes the Future Perfect newsletter. While tech has generally been very liberal in its political support and giving, there's been an emergence of a real and influential tech right over the last few years. Allison Robbert/AFP via Getty Images I live and work in the San Francisco Bay Area, and I don't know anyone who says they voted for Donald Trump in 2016 or 2020. I know, on the other hand, quite a few who voted for him in 2024, and quite a few more who — while they didn't vote for Trump because of his many crippling personal foibles, corruption, penchant for destroying the global economy, etc. — have thoroughly soured on the Democratic Party. Future Perfect Explore the big, complicated problems the world faces and the most efficient ways to solve them. Sent twice a week. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. It's not just my professional networks. While tech has generally been very liberal in its political support and giving, the last few years have seen the emergence of a real and influential tech right. Elon Musk, of course, is by far the most famous, but he didn't start the tech right by himself. And while his break with Trump — which Musk now seems to be backpedaling on — might have changed his role within the tech right, I don't think this shift will end with him. The rise of the tech right The Bay Area tech scene has always to my mind been best understood as left-libertarian — socially liberal, but suspicious of big government and excited about new things from cryptocurrency to charter cities to mosquito gene drives to genetically engineered superbabies to tooth bacteria. That array of attitudes sometimes puts them at odds with governments (and much of the public, which tends to be much less welcoming of new technology). The tech world valorizes founders and doers, and everyone knows two or three stories about a company that only succeeded because it was willing to break some city regulations. Lots of founders are immigrants; lots are LGBTQ+. For a long time, this set of commitments put tech firmly on the political left — and indeed tech employees overwhelmingly vote and donate to the Democratic Party. Related The AI that apparently wants Elon Musk to die But over the last 10 years, I think three things changed. The first was what Vox at the time called the Great Awokening — a sweeping adoption of what had been a bunch of niche liberal social justice ideas, from widespread acceptance of trans people to suspicion of any sex or race disparity in hiring to #MeToo awareness of sexual harassment in the workplace. A lot of this shift at tech companies was employee driven; again, tech employees are mostly on the left. And some of it was good! But some of it was illiberal — rejecting the idea that we can and should work with people we profoundly disagree with — and identitarian, in that it focused more on what demographic categories we belong to than our commonalities. We're now in the middle of a backlash, which I think is all the more intense in tech because the original woke movement was all the more intense in tech. The second thing that changed was the macroeconomic environment. When I first joined a tech company in 2017, interest rates were low and VC funding was incredibly easy to get. Startups were everywhere, and companies were desperately competing to hire employees. As a result, employees had a lot of power; CEOs were often scared of them. The third was a deliberate effort by many liberals to go after a tech scene they saw as their enemy. The Biden administration ended up staffed by a lot of people ideologically committed to Sen. Elizabeth Warren's view of the world, where big tech was the enemy of liberal democracy and the tools of antitrust should be used to break it up. Lina Khan's Federal Trade Commission acted on those convictions, going after big tech companies like Amazon. Whether you think this was the right call in economic terms — I mostly think it was not — it was decidedly self-destructive in political terms. So in 2024, some of tech (still not a majority, but a smaller minority than in the past two Trump elections) went right. The tech world watched with bated breath as Musk announced DOGE: Would the administration bring about the deregulation, tax cuts, and anti-woke wish list they believed that only the administration could? …and the immediate failure The answer so far has been no. (Many people on the tech right are still more optimistic than me, and point at a small handful of victories, but my assessment is that they're wearing rose-colored glasses to the point of outright blindness.) Some deregulation has happened, but any beneficial effects it would have had on investment have been more than canceled out by the tariffs' catastrophic effects on businesses' ability to plan for the future. They did at least get the tax cuts for the rich, if the 'big, beautiful bill' passes, but that's about all they got — and the ultra-rich will be poorer this year anyway thanks to the unsteady stock market. The Republicans, when out of power, had a critique of the Democrats which spoke to the tech right, the populist right, the white supremacists and moderate Black and Latino voters alike. But it's much easier to complain about Democrats in a way that all of those disparate interest groups find compelling than to govern in a way that keeps them all happy. Once the Trump administration actually had to choose, it chose basically none of the tech right's priorities. They took a bad bet — and I think it'd behoove the Democrats to think, as Trump's coalition fractures, about which of those voters can be won back.


Newsweek
17 minutes ago
- Newsweek
China Reacts to Israel's Attack on Iran
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. China said it is "deeply worried" by Israel's strikes on Iran and said it is willing to play a role in de-escalating the situation. Israel hit Iranian military and nuclear sites and killed a number of senior officials, including the commander-in-chief of its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Hossein Salami. It said the operation is ongoing and could last days. Israel said the strikes were pre-emptive and to prevent a planned Iranian attack, and also to stop Tehran from developing a nuclear bomb. "China is highly concerned about Israel's attacks on Iran and deeply worried about the potential serious consequences of these actions," said Lin Jian, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, state media reported. Lin said China "opposes any violation of Iran's sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, and opposes actions that escalate tensions and expand the conflict." "The renewed sharp escalation of the regional situation is not in the interest of any party," he continued. "China urges all relevant parties to do more to promote regional peace and stability and to avoid further escalation of tensions. China is willing to play a constructive role in helping to de-escalate the situation." This is a developing article. Updates to follow.