Public perceptions of Starmer and Farage are perhaps a bit hazy
Does this therefore show that the Reform UK leader has been successful in, to use his words, parking his tanks on Labour's lawn and becoming the voice of working people? As ever in politics, it's all a bit more complicated.
For one thing, Starmer is not exactly a stranger to the factory floor. Little more than a week ago, he used a glass plant in St Helens, Merseyside, as the backdrop for a speech condemning Reform's fiscal plans. Recent months have seen him pop up at car production lines, armaments companies, rail infrastructure depots, you name it.
Additionally, as prime minister you need to take every industry seriously, and it made sense for Starmer to open London tech week alongside Jensen Huang, even if the head of US semiconductor firm Nvidia is a man whose trademark look is a Tom Ford leather jacket.
The complications work both ways. For all that Farage used his speech in Port Talbot to deliver a Donald Trump-like message of fossil fuel-led reindustrialisation, his natural milieu involves a bit less dirt under the fingernails.
To take one example, on Monday Farage briefly mentioned being in Las Vegas two weeks ago 'launching our crypto and digital assets bill', when he was in fact a guest speaker at the lavish Bitcoin 2025 conference.
It is not known if Farage was being paid for the appearance, but he is no stranger to corporate gigs. Since becoming an MP he has trousered £40,000 for a speech to an offshore taxation conference, and £280,000 promoting gold bullion, not to mention a TV job that pays about £2,500 per hour.
And yet, in a poll released last week, it emerged that slightly more British voters think Farage – a public school-educated former City trader – is more working class than Starmer, who is, as we heard many times during the general election, the son of a toolmaker. What is going on?
One bit of context is that actually not that many people believed it about either – 19% for Farage, and 17% with Starmer. Why so few for the prime minister? In part, it's likely to be his long pre-politics career as a lawyer and then director of public prosecutions – and particularly the knighthood that resulted.
More generally, it's fair to say that voters' impressions of politicians are often a bit hazy. A long-running YouGov tracker of the most popular British politicians has Brexit-backing Conservative peer David Frost top, and the shadow education secretary, Laura Trott, third, unlikely results widely assumed to be because people have mistaken them for the more fondly recalled late TV host and Olympic cyclist respectively.
More pertinent is that when it comes to actual voter support, Reform are now the top choice among working-class voters. One poll last month said that just 17% supported Labour, against 39% for Reform.
Farage is very aware of this current advantage, and makes a point of regular speeches at working men's clubs, channelling Trump's paradoxical political status as a wealthy man who largely spends time with other wealthy men who nonetheless attracts support in deprived areas.
All that said, Starmer is determined to shift those Reform tanks by pointing out another similarity with Trump – the fact that Farage's policies seem more generally aimed at the managerial class than those on the factory floor.
Paul Nowak, the TUC general secretary, argued recently that Farage was 'cosplaying' as a voice of the working classes, and that his opposition to the government's employment rights bill and lack of a coherent economic plan showed his lack of authenticity.
Even as Farage talks up the return of heavy industry and calls for the water industry to be nationalised, expect more of the same from Downing Street, plus Starmer's insistence that a 'Liz Truss 2.0' policy of mass tax cuts would hurt ordinary families the most.
And if you run a factory, brace yourself for more political visits.
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