
iPhone 16 Now Available With Big Offer And Discounts: Buy Or Wait For iPhone17?
iPhone 16 is undoubtedly a popular choice among buyers and latest industry figures tell you the formula that works so well for Apple. The new iPhone 17 series launch is just a few weeks away, and some of you will be eyeing the new models, while a few would consider getting themselves a good bargain on last year's iPhone.
The Apple AI delays mean buying any iPhone after the 15 Pro version makes you future-proof for its Siri AI and other upgrades but does buying the iPhone 16, albeit at discounted price, make sense when the iPhone 17 is just around the corner?
iPhone 16 Offers In India: Buy Or Wait?
People generally tend to prefer the new shiny toys but all signs this year indicate that Apple will have to increase the iPhone 17 prices when it launches next month. There are multiple factors involved in this equation.
The biggest one is the impact of the US President Trump tariffs that will have a bearing on Apple's own production and supply ecosystem and the possible range of upgrades that Apple is likely to bring with the new models, as suggested by numerous leaks.
The company is widely tipped to bring a periscope telephoto lens with the iPhone 17 Pro models, while the regular iPhone 17 lineup could be rejigged with the Air coming in place of the Plus model. Talking about the iPhone 16, you are going to see a wide range of discounts and deals being offered across platforms in the next few months.
This will be done to clear up the iPhone 16 stocks to replace them with the new iPhone 17 units but also because the price margins with the older models will be less, giving them more incentive to sell them at lower-than-usual prices. We're seeing deals where the iPhone 16 is available with discounts as much as Rs 31,000 with some platforms.
People still using the iPhone X or even 11 or 12 versions can easily make the jump and see their upgrades deliver impressive value. You would have paid well over Rs 75,000 for the iPhone 16 last year but now, you can switch from your new-looking iPhone 12 and upgrade to the 2024 iPhone model for just around Rs 50,000 (exchange discount included) that makes it a solid deal for most of you.
And in case you still own an iPhone 14 version, that discount appeal goes up further, giving you Rs 30,000 extra in the pocket to buy the iPhone 16 version.
iPhone 16 Specifications: Make It Sense
You get a handy 6.1-inch Super Retina OLED display and the device weighs 170 grams with its glass body that makes it easy to use. It is powered by the A18 chipset with 8GB RAM and offered with up to 512GB storage. It has a dual 48MP + 12MP camera setup along with a 12MP FaceTime camera on the front. Apple will offer its AI features when it rolls out in 2026 and you get it with 25W wired charging support.
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11 minutes ago
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Google is beating Apple on smartphone AI
The race to develop the killer AI-powered phone is on. But Apple is getting lapped by its Android competitors. Apple teased a smarter Siri but it's MIA, and other Apple Intelligence offerings are meh. Meanwhile, Samsung is fusing Gemini into its Galaxy phones, and the new Google Pixels are chock-full of AI this and AI that. Tools we'd actually use. The coming Pixel 10, announced on Wednesday by Alphabet subsidiary Google and available Aug. 28, dressed me in an AI-generated blazer right in the camera app. A convincing clone of my voice fluently discussed lunch in German, which I don't speak. When I called United customer service, flight reservation information automatically appeared on screen. The Pixel holds just a fraction of the smartphone market—and that's unlikely to change, given how attached we are to our mobile devices—but it's leagues ahead of the iPhone in AI. In a recent ad, Google mocked Apple's smart-Siri delay, suggesting iPhone owners change to the new Pixel 10. Regardless of which side you're on, don't we all just want to know what AI can really do for us on a phone? After I checked out the Pixel 10, I have an answer: information that appears right when you need it, real-time translation in your own voice, a virtual photographer directing your shots, a personalized fitness coach and more. What can't it do? Turn those iPhone green text bubbles into blue ones. Google is introducing new devices, including the Pixel 10 and Pixel 10 Pro, that come with useful AI-powered software. Google Pixel phones have always been more about wow-inducing software than hardware—and that includes the new Pixel 10 ($799 and up) and Pixel 10 Pro ($999 and up). But you have to rely heavily on Google's own apps, like Gmail and Maps. For iPhone users including me, the most jealousy-inducing feature is Magic Cue. It rifles through your inbox, calendar and texts, then surfaces information when it thinks you need it. 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I spoke English and, after a slight delay, heard my own voice speaking German. A transcription of our conversation, in my native English, appeared on screen. The German-to-English translation wasn't perfect, but I always understood the gist. I could have used this tool when I lived in France, struggling with administrative tasks as a non-native speaker—like convincing my landlord the water heater was broken. The Pixel 10's photo experience is infused with AI. The Camera Coach is actually unsettling at first. A Google representative pointed the camera at me and hit the AI camera button. After about 10 seconds, it asked what we wanted in the photo: a full-body portrait, a close-up or some more novel plan. We tapped 'get inspired" and it generated a rough guide image of me, sitting more relaxed on the sofa. Then it gave the photographer some instructions: Have me sit down, place me on the left side of the frame, move to capture the scene lower and at an angle, use Portrait Mode, then take the shot from my waist up. The final photo looked pretty good. Maybe something I could use on LinkedIn. But did it convey the right seriousness? In editing mode, you can tap Ask Photos then type or say instructions. 'Make it look better" might touch up the photo, but I went with 'Make it look professional": It brightened the lighting and turned up the blur. It gave me four options in around 20 seconds. 'Send Nicole to outer space" changed the background to the Milky Way. 'Add a business suit" put me in a virtual blazer. Though some variations made me look a little ragged, one result was convincing. I was actually more into Google's other Gemini-powered coach, launching in October: personalized health and fitness insights for Fitbit trackers and Pixel Watches. 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Mint
11 minutes ago
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Trump turns up the heat. Fed Chair Jerome Powell tries to keep his cool.
Minutes before his congressional testimony this summer, Jerome Powell sat alone, staring straight ahead in the wood-paneled chamber, appearing deep in thought. The Federal Reserve chair later told an associate he felt locked in, prepared for questions about the central bank's chief roles—keeping inflation low and Americans employed. Powell looked steeled for criticism, and he didn't have to wait long. A Republican ally of President Trump, Ohio Sen. Bernie Moreno, launched into a theatrical beatdown an hour into the hearing. He accused Powell of partisanship for comments linking Trump's tariffs with the potential for higher prices and a slowing economy. 'I don't comment on tariffs at all, actually," Powell said. 'I comment only on inflation." Ignoring him, Moreno said inflation was going down, echoing a Trump talking point. The president has demanded an immediate rate cut and disparaged Powell's integrity and intelligence for failing to comply, calling him a knucklehead and a moron. Trump himself nominated Powell for the job in 2017. 'We got elected by millions of voters," Moreno said as his time expired. 'You got elected by one person, and he doesn't want you to be in that job." Powell raised an eyebrow, clicked off his microphone and turned to face the next senator's questions. It was just another day for the Fed chair, who wakes up every morning under siege by critics, led by Trump, who say inflation has been tamed and the economy is ready for a rate cut. Powell and many others have a wait-and-see view. Fed Chair Jerome Powell waiting to testify at a Senate committee hearing on June. 25. Powell's remarks Friday at the annual economic symposium in Jackson Hole, Wyo., will be closely watched by investors and Washington policymakers. Everyone with skin in the game, which is just about everyone who carries a wallet, has reason to listen for clues about when rates might fall. To Powell, the Fed's survival as a central bank that operates outside of partisan control, which he considers a pillar of national prosperity, will depend on how it navigates the current economic moment. Those who have worked closely with him say he is focused almost exclusively on making the right decisions, relying on lessons gained from steering the Fed in the pandemic and then being slow to tackle the worst inflation spike in decades. 'I think it is no more subtle than he wakes up every day and probably goes to bed every night thinking, 'What can I do to preserve the institution?'" said Richard Clarida, who served as the Fed's No. 2 during the first half of Powell's tenure. The political pressure reached a surreal peak during Trump's surprise visit last month to the renovation project at Fed headquarters. White House advisers had spent weeks heaping blame on Powell for cost overruns. Trump and Powell, each wearing white hard hats and suits, toured the dusty construction site. In front of TV news cameras, Trump motioned Powell to stand closer to him and then declared that costs to renovate two historical buildings had climbed to $3.1 billion from $2.5 billion. Powell shook his head, and Trump handed him a printout prepared by White House staff. Powell easily found what he needed to dispute the president's claim. 'You just added in a third building," he said, one that had been completed years earlier. Trump later smoothed things over and declared that the meeting with Powell went well. 'There was no tension," the president said. On Wednesday, Trump called for the immediate resignation of Fed governor Lisa Cook, who has consistently voted with Powell, over allegations of mortgage fraud before her Fed appointment. The president told aides he is considering firing Cook, according to people familiar with the matter, which would leave a vacancy for him to fill. 'I have no intention of being bullied to step down from my position," Cook said. 'I do intend to take any questions about my financial history seriously as a member of the Federal Reserve and so I am gathering the accurate information to answer any legitimate questions and provide the facts." President Trump handing Fed Chair Jerome Powell a tally sheet last month showing costs for renovations at the Federal Reserve in outside the Marriner S. Eccles Federal Reserve building in Washington last month. The Jesuit-educated Powell leads an institution that is an easy target for politicians because, like the Vatican, the Fed has authority but no army. Powell has told associates that despite looking older, he doesn't feel worn down by the pressure. He has maintained what he calls, at age 72, the best physical shape of his life, swimming three times a week and working out with a personal trainer. The regimen helps Powell manage stress, though the weight of decisions affecting millions of Americans sometimes wakes him in the middle of the night. Powell draws strength from an outpouring of support, voiced privately by lawmakers of both parties, bank executives and the occasional stranger who approaches him at the airport or gym. He keeps letters from people who thank him for his steadiness. 'He has a really strong sense of what he's doing there and why," said Jon Faust, who was a senior adviser to Powell for his first six years as Fed chair. At the congressional hearings this summer, Powell sidestepped a question about political pressure and said he was focused on keeping the economy in good shape with inflation under control. 'I want to turn it over to my successor in that condition," he said. 'That's the only thing I think about." Beyond partisan political pressures, the economic challenge alone would test any Fed chair. The Fed's tool—raising or lowering interest rates—is a blunt instrument for a complex $30 trillion economy: push rates too high and risk recession, lower rates too much and risk higher inflation. Powell must steer through an economy facing the uncertainties of Trump's trade policy and the impact of artificial intelligence. The still unknown fallout from tariffs and AI will shape how businesses hire and set prices. And the Fed's decisions will affect whether Americans can afford a home or see their paychecks keep up with costs. Inflation has been above the Fed's 2% target for four years. Officials worry tariffs will encourage businesses to raise prices and keep inflation elevated. Economic policymakers also worry about the health of the U.S. labor market, which can take years to return to normal after recessions. Postpandemic employment trends have been hard to read. Recent swings in business formation and immigration can make estimates of labor demand difficult to pin down. Monitors at the New York Stock Exchange showing Fed Chair Jerome Powell speak on July 30. 'They're in a no-win situation because they're going to be late on employment no matter what, given the downward revisions we've already seen," said Diane Swonk, chief economist at KPMG. 'And inflation is likely to look worse before it looks better." Recent economic data shows the challenge. After declining gradually last year, a gauge of underlying inflation fell to a low of 2.6% this year and is now creeping toward 3%. Payroll growth slowed sharply over the three months that ended in July with significant downward revisions to May and June figures. Even so, the unemployment rate has held close to 4.2%. The hiring slowdown coincides with Trump administration policy shifts that include immigration crackdowns, tariffs, federal job cuts and reduced spending on government contractors and nonprofits. The Trump administration says its tax cuts and deregulation might offset some of those headwinds. A majority of Fed officials supported holding rates steady last month, though two Fed governors, Christopher Waller and Michelle Bowman, dissented in favor of a rate cut. Waller and Bowman are Trump appointees who are under consideration to become Fed chair when Powell's term ends in May. Waller warned that job growth is weaker than it looks, with some indicators 'flashing red." He has argued that officials shouldn't decide rates based on tariff-related price increases, saying those aren't likely to be repeated. In a swipe at Powell, Bowman said Fed decisions haven't been consistent. She pointed out that housing, consumer spending and the share of working-age people with jobs were weaker now than last year, when the Fed began to cut rates. On the other side of the rate-cut debate are the inflation hawks. Kansas City Fed President Jeff Schmid, a voting member of the rate-setting committee this year, argued in a speech last week that the effect of tariffs on inflation had been limited, in part, because the Fed hadn't eased rates prematurely. He said he expected the uncertainty of its impact on prices would last months. Powell's job is to forge consensus from these competing views and, when needed, guide it in his preferred direction. The path there may be emerging from the economic data itself. The July jobs report provided clearer evidence of labor market softness—potentially giving Powell rationale for a rate cut next month. The labor market 'is not bad right now," San Francisco Fed President Mary Daly said. 'But you know that the direction of change is going the wrong way." She also said tariffs aren't passing through to higher prices as much as some forecasters feared, reducing the risk of a big shock. Minneapolis Fed President Neel Kashkari said the Fed might have to cut rates now to support the labor market and leave open the prospect of reversing those moves if inflation resurges. 'I don't love that path," he said, 'but that might be the best of a limited set of options." Others are undecided. St. Louis Fed President Alberto Musalem and Chicago Fed President Austan Goolsbee flagged an unexpected rise last month in prices for services, which would suggest holding rates steady. Yet Musalem also pointed to slower economic growth, which could favor a future rate cut. Trump's challenge is that Fed independence runs deeper than any single leader. Even if Powell is replaced by someone more sympathetic to the White House next spring, there may still be officials worried about inflation and impervious to political pressure. Powell has served as a shield for some colleagues. His relationships with Fed peers are likely 'stronger than ever because the committee knows the tough spot that both the chair and the institution are in," Faust said. Some see less danger in the blustery attacks by Trump on Powell than the possibility of a White House campaign to weaken the Fed structure, including the 12 reserve banks. Meetings to set interest rates are attended by the 12 bank presidents and a seven-member board of governors, though only five presidents at a time have a vote on policy decisions. Unlike Fed governors, who are nominated by the president, regional bank presidents are chosen by their local boards and have traditionally operated independent of Washington. The Fed presidents serve five-year terms at a time, and the terms run concurrently. The 12 presidents must be reappointed by the governors to new five-year terms before next March. A Fed board could remove a regional bank president by majority vote, but it never has done so. Fed Chair Jerome Powell arriving for a Federal Reserve Board meeting last month in Washington. Since the governors are appointed by the president, there are nervous conversations about the possibility of the White House seating a future board dominated by Trump appointees, who would threaten to block reappointments of Fed presidents before March or remove them after they are reappointed. A Trump administration official alleged Wednesday that Cook, a Fed governor appointed by Biden, might have committed mortgage fraud by applying for loans on two properties she each identified as her primary residence. Trump selected one of his economic advisers to fill the seat of a Fed governor who resigned unexpectedly this month. If another governor leaves early, the president could install an ally and give his appointees a majority on the board. A final source of pressure on the Fed came last week from Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, a former hedge-fund investor with keen knowledge of monetary policy who is overseeing the search for the next Fed chair. Bessent, who had pledged not to comment on rates, said in a TV interview that the Fed should consider a larger half-percentage-point rate cut in September and, after that, to continue to lower its benchmark rate, currently around 4.3%, to less than 3%. Some investors subsequently dialed up expectations for a half-point cut. Bessent did more than just voice an opinion. He appeared to put Powell in a corner. If investors buy or sell assets because the Treasury secretary's comments lead them to believe a sizable rate cut has become more likely, Powell risks disappointing markets and taking the blame for any selloff if the Fed doesn't follow through. When Bessent was asked about his comments during an interview the following day, he said, 'I didn't tell the Fed what to do." Write to Nick Timiraos at


Mint
11 minutes ago
- Mint
Trump's trade victims are shrugging off his attacks
The 'Trump Round" of trade negotiations, as Jamieson Greer, America's trade representative, calls it, was meant to reassert American primacy. Peter Navarro, a longtime adviser to Donald Trump, even suggested that the president deserved a Nobel prize in economics for showing how the world's biggest market can bend global commerce to its will. The White House's bet is that dismantling the old order, once policed—however fitfully—by the World Trade Organisation, will usher in a new one with America at its centre. Yet by acting as if America remains the axis of world trade, Mr Trump may be accelerating its shift elsewhere. The world's biggest market is less central in global trade today than it once was. At the start of the century, America accounted for a fifth of global imports; today it makes up just an eighth. Even as countries strike tariff deals with Mr Trump to secure market access, they are drawing up alternatives. As one South Korean official puts it, 'The first step is to make concessions to America. The second is to look elsewhere." Around the world, governments are hedging against the end of the old economic order in different ways. Some are propping up local firms with subsidies and protectionism. Others are seeking new markets. And the boldest are forging alliances to counterbalance America's clout. The choice for many is not between deference to Washington or a Hobbesian state of nature, but between short-term fixes and longer-term alternatives. Given Mr Trump's predilection for levies and the tendency for taxes to outlast their creator, handouts to trade-war victims risk wasting money and distorting markets. Brazil has unveiled a $6bn credit package, which includes tax holidays and state-purchasing guarantees. With public finances already strained, the plan spooked investors. Canada has taken a similar approach, pledging nearly $1bn to support its lumber industry. South Africa's trade ministry has proposed policies to let exporters co-ordinate on shipping costs and jointly build infrastructure, even if that means skirting antitrust rules. Others are reaching for blunter tools. Canada and Japan are slapping new levies on metal imports. Meanwhile, India is doubling down on its 'Made in India" campaign. On August 15th Narendra Modi, the country's prime minister, extolled self-reliance in everything from energy to fighter jets. 'If we continue to be vocal for local, we will achieve prosperity," he declared. Although so far there has not been much retaliation against Mr Trump, the risk is that copycat protectionism multiplies, raising costs for everyone. Global is noble More promising is the search for new markets. From Asia to Africa, governments are nudging companies abroad with export funds and incentives. Singapore and South Korea, for instance, are bankrolling small firms to scout out opportunities in South Asia, the Middle East and Mexico. Some are already redirecting trade. South African farmers are sending more produce to China and pushing the EU to relax its citrus-health rules. Lesotho's garment-makers—once geared to American firms like Gap and Levi's—are turning to regional buyers and testing demand in Asia. Brazil's coffee exporters, hit with a 50% American tariff, are stepping up shipments to North Africa and the Middle East, where sales volumes rose by three-fifths last year. Yet even with such diversification, replacing America, still the destination for 16% of Brazil's beans, will take time. Most consequential are the new alliances. Canada and Mexico, America's two neighbours and partners in the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) are edging closer as America becomes less reliable. Next month Mark Carney, Canada's prime minister, will visit Mexico, where he is set to discuss supply-chain resilience, port-to-port trade and joint ventures in energy and artificial intelligence. With the USMCA trade pact up for review next year, the two countries are hoping to create leverage they can use against Mr Trump. Many of the BRICS countries—a club of 11 emerging economies including Brazil, China, India, Russia and South Africa—have been targets of Mr Trump's ire, most recently with his levies of 50% on Brazil and India. In response, Brazil's president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (known as Lula), has worked the phones to rally allies. On August 7th he and Mr Modi discussed closer ties, including digital-payments links that could chip away at the dominance of American banks. Four days later Lula spoke with Xi Jinping, China's leader, about deepening trade, after which Mr Xi declared relations with Brazil to be 'at their best in history". When it comes to trade, the bloc is hardly beholden to America. Uncle Sam buys only a sixth of Indian goods and a seventh of Brazilian exports, the latter down from a quarter two decades ago. As a group, the BRICS members now trade more goods with one another than with America and the gap is widening. Integration is accelerating after Mr Trump's tariffs. Over a dozen countries, including Thailand and Vietnam, have sought partner-country status or applied to join. The biggest winner from the new alliances may be China. Its exports to the global south have doubled since 2015—and it sells more to South and South-East Asia, Latin America and the Middle East than to America and western Europe. In July, even as exports to America collapsed, its overall exports grew by 7% from a year earlier. Mr Trump's tariffs have deepened these links. In June Mr Xi pledged to scrap nearly all duties on imports from Africa, and he is attending summits with Latin American and South-East Asian leaders. China and the Association of South-East Asian Nations—home to a quarter of the world's people and a fifth of its GDP—are revamping their free-trade deal, due to be ratified by the year's end. Relations with India, meanwhile, are thawing. Indian firms are exploring joint projects with Chinese counterparts in electric vehicles and batteries; this month Mr Modi is expected to visit China for the first time in seven years. Mr Trump wanted America at the centre of world trade. Things are not going to plan.