Venezuelan lawmakers declare UN human rights chief persona non grata
The unanimous Tuesday declaration follows comments from Turk last week before the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, condemning what he said were arbitrary detentions and forced disappearances.
In remarks before the declaration, Assembly President Jorge Rodriguez accused Turk of turning a 'blind eye' to other rights abuses, such as the deportation of Venezuelan immigrants living in the United States to a detention facility in El Salvador.
However, Turk released a statement expressing concern over those deportations in May, while his remarks about alleged abuses in Venezuela come at a time when numerous human rights organisations have condemned the Venezuelan authorities' crackdown on political opposition after a contested election last July.
The declaration of Turk as persona non grata does not have an immediate impact, but the government could move to expel his office from the country, as has occurred in the past.
Tensions have been high in Venezuela since President Nicolas Maduro declared victory in a 2024 presidential election, which the opposition has maintained was fraudulently stolen by the government.
Human rights groups have said that the Maduro government oversaw a crackdown on dissent after the election, which left dozens dead. Police also arrested opposition lawmakers, whom the government accuses of collaborating with hostile foreign powers.
A recent legislative and regional election saw lower turnout amid calls for a boycott from the opposition and fear of government repression.
While the Maduro government has criticised the administration of US President Donald Trump for its mass deportation of immigrants living in the US, which has also drawn concern from human rights groups, Venezuela has been open to cooperation with the Trump administration on questions of immigration enforcement, agreeing to receive people deported from the US in March.
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Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
Venezuela to probe El Salvador's Bukele for ‘torture' of US deportees
Venezuela has launched an investigation into the role El Salvador's President Nayib Bukele and his senior officials played in the alleged torture of 252 migrants who were detained in the Central American country after being deported from the United States. Venezuelan Attorney General Tarek William Saab made the announcement in Caracas on Monday, as he presented photos and testimonies of some of the men, who said they were beaten, sexually abused and fed rotten food while inside a notorious El Salvador prison. Others were denied medical care or treated without anaesthesia, Saab said, urging the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the UN Human Rights Council to act. The Venezuelans were sent to El Salvador from the US in March, after US President Donald Trump invoked the 1798 Alien Enemies Act to deport alleged members of the Tren de Aragua gang without due process. The deportations drew fierce criticism from human rights groups and a legal battle with the Trump administration. Family members and lawyers of many of the men deny they had gang ties. Prisoner swap The former detainees arrived near Caracas on Friday following their release in El Salvador, in exchange for 10 US citizens and political prisoners held in Venezuela. Saab said the prosecutor's office was interviewing the returned migrants. Some of the former detainees have since reunited with their families, but they have not yet returned to their own homes. Several had bruises on their bodies, marks of being shot with rubber bullets, and one had a split lip. Andry Hernandez Romero, a 32-year-old beautician among those sent to El Salvador, said he barely survived the ordeal. 'We were going through torture, physical aggressions, psychological aggressions,' he said in a video presented by Saab. 'I was sexually abused.' Others spoke of being held in 'inhuman cells', deprived of sunlight and ventilation, and given rotten food and unsafe drinking water while in the El Salvador prison. The men had no access to lawyers or their relatives, and the last time many of them were seen was when Bukele's government issued photos of them arriving at the prison shackled and with their heads shorn. Apart from Bukele, Venezuela will investigate El Salvador's Justice Minister Gustavo Villatoro and Head of Prisons Osiris Luna Meza, Saab said. Bukele's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment from the media. Late on Monday, Bukele posted about the return on social media but did not comment on the abuse allegations. 'The Maduro regime was satisfied with the swap deal; that's why they accepted it,' he said on X. 'Now they scream their outrage, not because they disagree with the deal but because they just realised they ran out of hostages from the most powerful country in the world.' President Nicolas Maduro, on his TV show on Monday, claimed Bukele had tried 'last minute' to prevent the migrants from leaving. 'You could not stop the first plane, but for the second plane he put some car on the runway … to provoke either an accident or prevent them from leaving,' he said. Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado labelled the process as an 'exchange of prisoners of war' during a television interview on Monday. Venezuela itself faces an investigation by the ICC in The Hague, with similar allegations of torturing prisoners and denying them access to legal representation of political prisoners.
Al Jazeera
3 days ago
- Al Jazeera
US Tariffs and the Middle East: Calculations and Implications
The Trump Tariff Shock The extensive tariffs announced by US President Donald Trump on 2 April 2025 did not have the Middle East as their main target. Nevertheless, they affect this region in multiple, mostly indirect, ways. The tariffs present Middle Eastern states with some opportunities, but pose major risks, especially to the energy sector. Analysing the tariffs is challenging. First, they follow on earlier measures, dating back to Trump's initial term in office, some retained by President Joe Biden. There are other additional specific tariffs, particularly on China and on cars and some metals, as well as various exemptions. Second, the economic logic of the tariffs – both the overall concept and the specific measures – is shaky, to say the least. Different officials in the US administration have different reasons for supporting the tariffs—some focus on economic goals, others on political goals—and they disagree on whether these tariffs are meant to be a temporary measure or a permanent policy. This makes it hard to study them with traditional cost-benefit analysis. Trump has also proposed 'secondary tariffs' on countries buying Venezuelan, Russian or Iranian oil, which would add further complexity and uncertainty. Third, the initial tariff announcement was partly rolled back following a very negative market reaction. On 9 April, the specific per-country tariffs—except those on China—were paused for 90 days, though the minimum 10 percent rate was retained. Certain items, such as pharmaceuticals and microchips, as well as goods from Canada and Mexico that comply with the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), were exempted. As of 9 July 2025, the Trump administration's baseline 10% reciprocal tariffs remain in effect for most US trading partners, while higher country-specific tariffs (ranging from 11% to 50%) are suspended until 1 August 2025 to allow time for negotiations—except for China, which continues to face a 34% tariff. Exemptions include USMCA-compliant goods, some electronics and books. Meanwhile, tariffs on steel, aluminium and automobiles (25% to 50%) apply globally with certain exceptions. Negotiations are ongoing with countries like the United Kingdom, Vietnam and Japan, with potential special rates or exemptions under discussion. Legal challenges and the risk of retaliation contribute to significant uncertainty, with outcomes dependent on continuing talks and the scheduled 2026 USMCA review. Even when agreements are reached, they remain subject to change. The initial policy would have taken the average tariff rate on US imports to 27%. The 9 April announcement reduces that only slightly, to 24%, because of the product-level tariffs and the increased levies on Chinese goods. (1) Before Trump's first term, the average US tariff rate was 1.69%, increasing to 2.4 percent by 2023. Fourth, the scope of other countries' retaliatory measures remains unclear. As of 9 July 2025, China has imposed reciprocal tariffs, including a 34% rate on US goods and up to 34.9% anti-dumping duties on European brandy, in response to US and EU trade restrictions. Additionally, China has restricted exports of critical materials like rare earths, gallium and germanium, disrupting global supply chains, with a 75% drop in magnet exports reported since April. A 27 June US-China trade framework eased some restrictions, allowing limited rare earth exports, but many companies still face delays. The EU, citing unfair trade practices, imposed tariffs up to 45% on Chinese electric vehicles and restricted Chinese firms from medical device contracts, prompting China's reciprocal ban on EU medical equipment bids. The EU has paused broader retaliatory measures, including a €95 billion package, to align with the US tariff suspension until 1 August 2025, as negotiations continue ahead of a China-EU summit later in July. The impact on non-US global trade relations has yet to be seen. Fifth, the tariffs interact with other policies by the US, such as efforts to expel undocumented immigrants, to discourage travel, to cut most foreign aid, and to drastically cut the size and scope of the federal government. Other nations also have their own entangled policies, for instance OPEC+ (Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Algeria and Oman) raised its oil production ceiling by 411,000 barrels per day (bpd) in May, June and July 2025, with an increased hike of 548,000 bpd in August, unwinding voluntary cuts of 2.2 million bpd to regain market share despite falling oil prices. Sixth, the tariffs have numerous indirect and second-round effects, such as redirecting trade and investment, increasing US inflation, influencing decisions on interest rates, and raising doubts about the stability and competence of US economic policy. These factors have contributed to a rise in bond yields, a sharp fall in stock market valuations, and a decline in the value of the dollar. Since Gulf currencies are pegged to the dollar, they will experience some imported inflation—especially if the US Federal Reserve lowers interest rates to support the US economy. (2) US Tariffs and the Middle East The Middle East appeared to have got off relatively easily in the first round of tariff announcements. The Gulf states (and Egypt, Morocco and Lebanon) suffered only the standard 10% rate. This outcome reflects the curious methodology used—basing decisions on the bilateral trade deficit in goods, while ignoring services. Since the Gulf states no longer export significant volumes of oil, gas, or petrochemicals—their main exports—to the US, but still import vehicles, machinery, arms, pharmaceuticals, foodstuffs, and other products from the US, the US now has a trade surplus with them. Other MENA countries face higher tariff levels: Syria 41%, Iraq 39%, Libya 31%, Algeria 30%, Tunisia 28%, Jordan 20%, and Israel 17%. However, since the main exports of most of these countries are hydrocarbons—which are currently exempt—and because North African countries primarily trade with Europe, the direct impact remains relatively limited. The main exceptions are Israel, for which the US accounted for 29% of exports in 2023, and Jordan (21%). (3) In any case, if these elevated tariff levels are reimposed, they would pose an additional obstacle to MENA countries' efforts to diversify their economies. The GCC states are affected by the sectoral tariffs on aluminium and steel, which are currently at 25 percent. These were the leading exports of the UAE and Bahrain to the US. But, as large and low-cost producers, they should be able to find markets elsewhere as required. Energy Market Impacts The energy market changes most directly impact countries in the Middle East and North Africa. However, these countries currently export relatively little oil, gas or petrochemicals to the United States. This is not due to tariffs — oil and gas imports into the US are generally exempt from tariffs — but because the US has become largely self-sufficient in energy production thanks to its domestic shale oil and gas boom. As a result, US imports now mainly consist of heavy crude oils, which are blended with lighter domestic crude in refineries. These heavy crudes come primarily from Canada, Mexico and, depending on sanctions, Venezuela. Trade measures against its neighbours, notably the previously proposed 10 percent tariff on Canadian oil, would probably result in some diversion of oil from Canada and the diversion of most Mexican oil. Crude from Brazil and from the Middle East would be possible replacements, although the Middle Eastern countries export little of these very heavy crudes. Saudi Arabian Heavy, Iraq's Basrah Heavy, and perhaps a separate blend of Kuwait's heavy Lower Fars crude, would be the likely alternatives. The Chinese market is now effectively closed to US products due to the very high retaliatory tariffs. This will allow Middle Eastern exporters to gain market share in China for crude oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG). The main problem for China may be in obtaining sufficient supplies of petrochemical feedstocks, notably ethane and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), where the US had become a very important supplier. Economic and policy uncertainty, the loss of the Chinese market, and higher costs because of tariffs on key materials, will make it harder for new US LNG export plants to secure financing. Costs of construction for liquefied natural gas plants have risen, with Woodside's Louisiana LNG project, for example, assessing the tariff impact. (4) This is positive for Middle Eastern LNG and other gas exporters (notably, Qatar, as well as the UAE, Oman and Algeria), although US LNG plants currently under-construction are still likely to lead to a substantial over-supply in the later part of this decade. Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) signed three LNG supply deals with Chinese companies–namely, China National Offshore Oil Corporation, ZhenHua Oil and ENN (5) – in April for a total of about 2.3 million tonnes per year and terms ranging from 5 to 15 years. Qatar had already secured several Chinese equity investments and sales contracts for its major in-progress LNG expansion. (6) Still, the tariffs and the resulting economic uncertainty have caused a sharp drop in oil prices. Brent crude, the main international benchmark, fell from $74.95 per barrel on April 2 to $65.58 on April 4, followed by only a modest recovery. Asian LNG prices also declined by about 12%. By July 2025 (up to the 13th), prices showed mixed trends: starting at $67.63 on July 1, rising to $71.95 on July 7 (the latest spot price), then easing to $69.11 by July 13 based on futures settlements. This pattern suggests a slight recovery since April's lows, tempered by some downward pressure in recent days. Energy-importing MENA states, notably Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia and Morocco, will benefit from lower oil and gas prices. But they will suffer from a generalised economic slowdown, from the cut-off of US aid in some cases (particularly Jordan's), and from any reduction in remittances, tourism and investment inflows from their oil-exporting neighbours. OPEC+ Strategy The fall in oil prices was further intensified by OPEC+'s decision to raise output ceilings more than expected starting in May. On 3 April, just hours after the tariff announcement, the alliance increased its production ceiling by 411,000 bpd—three times its usual monthly increments. Since then, OPEC+ has steadily rolled back production cuts with additional increases: output remained flat in April despite the quota hike, further adjustments were confirmed for June (including Kazakhstan), and on 5 July, the group announced a larger-than-anticipated boost of 548,000 bpd for August 2025 to speed up supply restoration. OPEC+ is on track to fully reverse voluntary cuts by September 2025, with further phased increases planned amid ongoing debates about market demand and price effects. This stems from a complex combination of various motives: the group took advantage of exhortations from the White House to raise production, but only as long as doing so aligned with its own assessments of its interests. The increase signals to Iraq and Kazakhstan, two members who have been producing well above their assigned ceilings, that they need to improve compliance and, ideally, make 'compensation cuts' to offset past over-production. As fields in Canada and Norway come into maintenance season, there may be room in the market for some additional oil, and after that, the Northern Hemisphere summer period usually brings greater oil consumption for travel, as well as increased air-conditioning in countries like Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Kuwait. OPEC+ has also seized an opportune moment to target U.S. shale. Tariffs—especially those on steel, which is essential for drill pipe, well casings, tubulars, and pipelines—will increase costs for shale development. Alongside lower oil prices, greater economic uncertainty, the increasing maturity of shale resources, and industry consolidation, this will significantly slow growth in U.S. shale output. The U. Energy Information Administration projects that US oil production will peak at 14 million bpd in 2027, up from 13.7 million bpd in 2025, before flattening out. Meanwhile, the International Energy Agency's April report lowered its estimate for US oil production growth this year from 640,000 bpd to 490,000 bpd, and expects growth to slow further to 280,000 bpd next year. Slower US production expansion should partially cushion the impact of lower global demand, and help OPEC+ to start regaining market share. Higher output will ease the hit to revenues experienced by OPEC+ members, especially those with additional voluntary cuts (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iraq, Kuwait and Algeria). MENA countries not in OPEC+ or not bound by quotas, including Qatar, Libya and Iran, will simply experience lower oil prices, and lower prices for oil-linked LNG or pipeline gas contracts. Renewable and nuclear energy The very high tariffs on Chinese imports have made it virtually unviable to sell Chinese solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, and electric cars in the US. To prevent tariff circumvention, the US imposed similarly high tariffs on alternative Asian manufacturers—including Vietnam, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Thailand—starting in June 2025. These rates reach up to 3,521% on solar cells and modules, targeting unfair subsidies and efforts to bypass duties on Chinese goods. As a result, the cost of renewable energy installations in the U.S. has increased substantially. Since these countries supply over 75% of U.S. solar imports, disrupted supply chains are pushing solar module prices up by an estimated 20–30%. This price surge risks slowing the deployment of clean energy projects critical to meeting climate goals, such as achieving 100% carbon-free electricity by 2035, and may lead to greater short-term reliance on fossil fuels. Recent analyses from June 2025 estimate that solar panel costs have risen by 3–4 cents per watt, along with increases in balance-of-system expenses. These added costs are placing significant pressure on utility-scale renewable projects just as demand for clean energy is surging. This cost pressure is compounded by other administration actions seen as anti-renewables, such as Interior Secretary Doug Burgum's order for Norwegian company Equinor to halt construction of the fully permitted Empire Wind I offshore project in New York. Equinor had already invested $2 billion in the project before the abrupt halt. Trump, US Secretary of Energy Chris Wright, Vice President JD Vance and presidential ally Elon Musk have all spoken in favour of nuclear power. However, Musk's Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) is proposing to cut more than half the staff of the Loan Programs Office (LPO), a relatively low-profile but critical unit within the Department of Energy. The LPO provides essential financing support that is crucial for building new nuclear plants in the U.S. Reduced output of renewables and nuclear power will support US gas consumption in both the short and long term, reducing gas availability for LNG exports, a further problem for the industry along with those mentioned above. The restrictions on Chinese imports mean Chinese renewable manufacturers will have to find other markets. Europe will be wary of 'dumping' and may negotiate or impose restrictions of its own. That will, in turn, mean a strong supply of very low-cost renewable systems for other markets. That is favourable for MENA countries who are developing large solar, wind, battery and hydrogen projects, most notably Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, Egypt and Morocco, as well as emerging renewable users such as Iraq, Tunisia and Algeria. These developments will help limit greenhouse gas emissions, meet rapidly growing electricity needs, save oil consumption and lower overall system costs. However, MENA countries trying to develop their own renewable manufacturing sectors will face a double challenge: US tariffs, which make it difficult to export to the American market successfully, and the increased flow of low-priced Chinese imports. Jordan has already launched an anti-dumping investigation into photovoltaic cells from China, following a complaint by local manufacturer Philadelphia Solar. (7) Macroeconomic Impacts The most serious effects of the tariffs, however, are macroeconomic. They are almost certain to raise US inflation substantially, which will require the US Federal Reserve to decide between cutting interest rates to support the economy or keeping them elevated to contain inflation. Trump is likely to exert political pressure for lower rates. Nevertheless, the US economy will slow, and that will reduce oil demand. The GDP impact will be most pronounced in the US, with an estimated reduction in growth of 0.56%. Close trade partner Canada faces a potential fall of 2.07%. China's loss is relatively muted at 0.22%, while the UK and EU will actually gain to a small extent. Overall, the global economy excluding the US will lose only marginally. (8) The International Monetary Fund has downgraded its overall economic forecasts due to tariffs and the broader negative impact of increased uncertainty. It now projects global growth of 2.8% this year, down from 3.3%, with a rebound to 3% next year—still below the long-run average of 3.7%. The IMF's forecast for the Middle East-Central Asia region has been cut by slightly more than the global and emerging markets averages, dropping from 3.6% to 3% this year, and from 3.9% to 3.4% next year. For Saudi Arabia, which the Fund reports on specifically, growth estimates have declined from 3.3% this year and 4.1% in 2026 to 3% and 3.7%, respectively—suggesting the Kingdom may fare somewhat better than the regional average. The International Energy Agency predicts these negative impacts, and the general effects of higher uncertainty, will reduce global oil demand growth from its previous estimate of 1.03 million bpd to 730,000 bpd. (9) However, a wider breakdown of trade relations, if other countries impose protective tariffs, could mean substantially lower growth. Aside from China, several large and fast-growing Asian countries with export-dependent economies, such as Bangladesh, Indonesia, Vietnam and Philippines, were targeted with the highest tariff rates. Their economies are often closely coupled with China's, and would therefore be doubly affected by a slowdown there. A tariff-induced debt or currency crisis in a major emerging economy could have ripple effects elsewhere, particularly as the current leaderless global financial architecture may find it hard to organise a rescue. This could repeat in some form the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, accompanied by OPEC quota increases, which saw Brent crude prices fall to $10 per barrel. An even more complicated and speculative area is the position of the US dollar and its financial sector and debt market. Unusually, in the latest shock, US Treasury bond yields rose while stock prices fell, in inversion of the usual flight to perceived low-risk assets. Trump himself, and various figures in his administration, have given mixed messages on whether they want the dollar to be strong or weak, and on maintaining the dollar as the world's reserve currency and main currency for payments. The Trump administration has nonetheless strongly encouraged Gulf investment into the US, with both Saudi Arabia and the UAE making some significant commitments in LNG projects. These, along with promised large arms purchases, may be key negotiating points in any discussions over exempting GCC countries from future tariffs. The dollar peg has generally provided Gulf countries with macroeconomic stability. Since most of their exports, debt, and a large portion of sovereign wealth holdings are denominated in dollars, the peg has historically offered predictability. However, tariffs and broad uncertainty over US policy may encourage a gradual shift away from dollar holdings—initially toward the euro, and potentially later to the Chinese yuan or other currencies. The acceleration of deal settlements in alternative currencies, driven by sanctions on Russia, has already led to increased use of the UAE dirham, the Russian rouble and the Chinese yuan, as well as attempts to use the Indian rupee. Saudi Arabia has at times expressed openness to settling some of its oil trade in yuan, and possibly in euros or Japanese yen. (10) These shifts are likely to continue even as oil pricing remains dollar-denominated, due to familiarity, convenience, existing contracts, and the dominance of US-based futures exchanges. Future Outlook Uncertainty has persisted since the announcement on 9 April of the 90-day pause in trade tariffs. The Trump administration has given mixed and conflicting updates on the status of its trade negotiations with China. At the same time, several key political and macroeconomic developments could profoundly impact the energy sector. Attempts to broker a Russia-Ukraine truce have stalled amid ongoing heavy airstrikes and mutual accusations of violations. Peace talks remain far apart, as Russia demands territorial concessions and limits on Ukraine's military capabilities, while the US has resumed arms supplies after a brief pause. Meanwhile, talks with Iran over its nuclear programme and oil-related sanctions remain complicated. Israeli strikes on Iranian facilities in June have escalated tensions. Iran insists on guarantees against further attacks before resuming negotiations and rejects US claims that it has requested talks. Meanwhile, fresh US sanctions targeting Iran's oil trade and Hezbollah funding were imposed in July. On the oil supply front, the 5 May meeting of the eight OPEC+ countries adhering to voluntary production limits resulted in an accelerated output increase of 411,000 bpd for June. Subsequent decisions included a 5 July agreement to add 548,000 bpd in August, with plans to fully unwind production cuts by September. However, some members have expressed interest in pausing further increases after September due to concerns over price pressures. In monetary policy, the US Federal Reserve held interest rates steady at 4.25%-4.5% during its 6-7 May meeting, citing risks of higher inflation and unemployment. Chair Jerome Powell noted that tariffs could indirectly weaken the economy, potentially reducing energy demand. Finally, Trump's 13-16 May visit to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE resulted in over $2 trillion in deals covering energy, defence, artificial intelligence and infrastructure. Notably, the UAE pledged $440 billion and Saudi Arabia $5 billion in US energy investments aimed at boosting LNG production and offsetting drilling slowdowns. These deals strengthen strategic alliances with significant implications for global oil supply and energy technology. Partial relaxations and pauses in tariffs occurred throughout June 2025. Notably, the tariff on Chinese goods was reduced from 145% to 30% as part of a 90-day temporary deal starting 14 May, with China reciprocally lowering its tariffs on US goods to 10%. Implementation of country-specific reciprocal tariffs was also delayed until 1 August (initially set for 8 July). Additionally, amendments provided exceptions for certain products, such as UK aerospace goods, effective 23 June. These adjustments contributed to a market rally, with the S&P 500 reaching record highs by late June, and helped boost macroeconomic sentiment. However, they were framed as negotiated pauses rather than full reversals, accompanied by apparent concessions from trade partners, including mutual tariff reductions and pledges on issues like border enforcement. Nevertheless, much of the economic damage had already been done by the April shock to confidence, which caused a stock market crash and led to downgraded GDP growth projections (for example, the Federal Reserve revised its 2025 growth forecast down to 1.4%). Volatile economic policymaking continues amid ongoing threats, such as new Canada-specific tariffs threatened on 27 June, court battles with stays keeping disputed tariffs in effect pending appeals due 31 July, and frequent announcements via social media.
Al Jazeera
5 days ago
- Al Jazeera
Venezuela frees 10 Americans in swap for deported migrants in El Salvador
An international deal has been struck that has allowed Venezuelans deported from the United States and imprisoned in El Salvador to return to their home country, in exchange for the release of American citizens and political prisoners held in Venezuela. On Friday, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed that 10 Americans had been released as part of the deal. 'Thanks to @POTUS's [the president of the United States'] leadership, ten Americans who were detained in Venezuela are on their way to freedom,' Rubio wrote on social media. El Salvador's President Nayib Bukele also celebrated the deal, saying that all of the Venezuelan deportees detained in his country have been 'handed over'. 'We carried out this exchange in return for a considerable number of Venezuelan political prisoners, people that regime had kept in its prisons for years, as well as all the American citizens it was holding as hostages,' Bukele, a US ally, wrote in a statement on social media. 'These individuals are now en route to El Salvador, where they will make a brief stop before continuing their journey home.' Bukele has previously indicated he would be open to a detainee swap to release political prisoners in Venezuela. He and US President Donald Trump have long been critics of their Venezuelan counterpart, Nicolas Maduro, a socialist who has led Venezuela since 2013. 'This operation is the result of months of negotiations with a tyrannical regime that had long refused to release one of its most valuable bargaining chips: its hostages,' Bukele added. The Venezuelan government confirmed it had received 252 citizens deported from the US and held in El Salvador. In addition, Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello told the media that seven children separated from their parents during deportations had also been sent from the US to Venezuela. Friday's deal is the latest example of the complex, international negotiations underpinning President Donald Trump's push for mass deportation in the US. Such a deal has long been rumoured between the three countries. But the arrangement raises questions about how Trump's mass deportation push might be used as leverage for other foreign policy priorities. It has also reignited scrutiny about the treatment of individuals deported from the US to third-party countries they have no relation to. A controversial deportation Venezuela has protested the deportation of its citizens from the US to El Salvador, where more than 200 people were sent to a maximum-security prison known as the Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) in March. To facilitate that transfer, President Trump had invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 — a wartime law only used three times prior — to allow for the swift removal of foreign nationals. The US leader argued that undocumented migration into the US constituted an 'invasion' of criminals from outside countries. His use of that law, however, has faced ongoing legal challenges about its constitutionality. Critics also have pointed out that El Salvador has faced criticism for alleged human rights abuses in its prisons, including beatings, torture and sleep deprivation. The CECOT prison is part of Bukele's own efforts at mass incarceration. It opened in 2023 with space to hold up to 40,000 people. Trump argued that deporting the 200-plus Venezuelans was an urgent matter because they belonged to gangs like Tren de Aragua. Bukele echoed that accusation on Friday, saying that all the Venezuelan deportees were 'accused of being part of the criminal organization Tren de Aragua'. But critics point out that some of the men had no criminal record whatsoever. Lawyers representing some of the deported Venezuelans have since issued complaints alleging that their clients were targeted based on their clothing choices or tattoos, which US immigration officials then used to falsely tie them to gangs. Third-party deportations The Trump administration has also maintained that deportations to third-party countries like El Salvador are necessary for immigrants whose home countries will not accept them. Venezuela has, in the past, refused to accept deportees from the US. Maduro and Trump have had a notoriously rocky relationship. In 2020, Trump even placed a $15m bounty for information that could lead to Maduro's arrest. But rather than return to the 'maximum pressure' campaign that defined his first term as president, Trump has instead sought negotiations with the Venezuelan government during his second term. In response, the Maduro government has signalled that it is willing to accept Venezuelan deportees from the US. For example, it hosted US special envoy Richard Grenell in Caracas in late January, a trip that resulted in the release of six Americans held in Venezuela. The Maduro administration also released a detained US Air Force veteran in May, following another meeting with Grenell. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt has said that Grenell's mission was to ensure 'all US detainees in Venezuela are returned home'. It is unclear how many remain in the country. The US government, however, continues to deny the legitimacy of Maduro's presidency. Maduro's contested election to a third term in 2024 — marred by allegations of fraud — has further weakened his standing on the world stage. Controversies over mass deportation The Trump administration, meanwhile, has contended with controversies of its own. Last week, The New York Times reported that the Trump White House had 'botched' the agreement to free Americans in Venezuela, after Grenell and Secretary of State Marco Rubio proposed rival deals. The Times said that Rubio had proposed a trade: American prisoners for the Venezuelans held in El Salvador. But Grenell had offered different terms that would allow Venezuela to continue its trade relationship with the oil giant Chevron, a major boon for its beleaguered economy. The result was reportedly confusion and uncertainty. Furthermore, the Trump administration has faced scrutiny at home for its apparent unwillingness to repatriate immigrants who may have been unjustly deported. In June, District Judge James Boasberg ordered the Trump administration to ensure the Venezuelan men held in El Salvador received due process in the US. In his decision, Boasberg pointed out that their swift removal in March prevented them from contesting both their deportations and the allegations that they were gang members. That court order, however, has been put on hold by a federal appeals court in Washington. Friday's deal also raises questions about previous Trump administration claims that it was unable to release the deported men from the CECOT prison. Trump officials have long argued that, while in El Salvador, the deportees lie beyond the reach of the US government. El Salvador's President Bukele has also claimed he had no power to allow the men's return. In an Oval Office appearance in April, Bukele spoke to the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran man briefly held in CECOT after he was wrongfully deported in March. 'The question is preposterous. How can I smuggle a terrorist into the United States? I don't have the power to return him to the United States,' Bukele told a reporter. Media reports indicate that El Salvador received $6m in exchange for holding people deported from the US.
