LIMA'25 kicks off with spectacular aerial display by RMAF
LANGKAWI: An aerial display by three F/A-18D Hornet aircraft and three Sukhoi SU-30MKM fighter jets, belonging to the Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF), kick-started the Langkawi International Maritime and Aerospace Exhibition 2025 (LIMA'25) today.
The opening of the exhibition and the RMAF Opening Gambit was officiated by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, who was accompanied by Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor and Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin.
The spectacular opening act was then further enlivened with a formation and aerobatic air show involving all 25 aerial assets, including six Pilatus PC-7 MK II training aircraft, two A400M transport aircraft, three C130H aircraft and eight helicopters of various types, including the EC-725, AW-139 and EC120B.
The thrilling performance was held at the Mahsuri International Exhibition Centre (MIEC) airspace here and was witnessed by thousands of visitors, including local and foreign delegates as well as people in the surrounding area.
Also present at the opening ceremony were Deputy Prime Ministers Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof, Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil as well as Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF) chief Gen Datuk Mohd Nizam Jaffar.
This year's LIMA, which is the 17th edition, brings together 860 exhibitors from 24 countries, of which 426 are international companies and 434 are local companies.
The five-day exhibition, which ends on May 24, is seen as a platform to further strengthen Malaysia's position as a regional hub for defence and aerospace.
LIMA'25 is co-organised by the Ministry of Defence and Global Exhibitions and Conferences Sdn Bhd (GEC), focusing on innovation and enhancing competitiveness among industry players in line with technological advancements.
Themed 'Today's Innovation, Tomorrow's Achievements', this year's exhibition remains one of the largest maritime and aerospace exhibitions in Southeast Asia since its inception in 1991.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Malaysia Sun
7 hours ago
- Malaysia Sun
China is building a power triangle to change the world
A recent summit between Beijing, ASEAN, and the Gulf Cooperation Council shows the potential future of Asia The final week of May marked a significant political development with the potential to reshape Asia's geopolitical landscape. Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, hosted the inaugural summit involving China, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). While signs of deepening engagement among these three actors had surfaced in preceding years, the establishment of a formal trilateral cooperation mechanism is a recent development. This event did not occur in a geopolitical vacuum. The region is increasingly exposed to intensifying rivalry among China, the US, and other global powers. In April, Chinese President Xi Jinping embarked on a Southeast Asian tour - visiting Cambodia, Malaysia, and Vietnam - to consolidate Beijing's influence. Almost simultaneously, an envoy dispatched by US President Donald Trump toured Cambodia and Vietnam and met with representatives from all ASEAN member states in an effort to repair relations damaged by Trump's tariffs and to reaffirm the commitment to a 'Free and Open Indo-Pacific'. Meanwhile, the US president visited three Gulf states, making new deals and publicly denouncing the longstanding American policy of mentorship and interference in regional affairs. By the end of May, French President Emmanuel Macron also entered the scene, visiting Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam to remind Southeast Asian counterparts that the EU still exists and remains a potential alternative to both Beijing and Washington. It is no coincidence that the China-ASEAN-GCC summit was convened in Malaysia. As the current chair of ASEAN, Malaysia plays a pivotal role, and its prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, is a vocal proponent of regional integration and innovative partnerships. Ahead of the trilateral summit, ASEAN members gathered in Kuala Lumpur to chart their future course. On this occasion, the ten member states adopted ASEAN's first 20-year vision - ASEAN 2045 - articulating the ambition to position Southeast Asia as a global growth engine aligned with other dynamic actors. Among them, China and the GCC member states - Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates - stand out prominently. Together, they represent a quarter of the world's population and contribute nearly the same proportion to global GDP. Their economic linkages are already well-established: China is the top trading partner for both ASEAN and the GCC. ASEAN has surpassed the EU as China's foremost economic partner, and Beijing imports over one-third of its crude oil from GCC states. The summit in Kuala Lumpur brought together the world's second- and fifth-largest economies - China and ASEAN - along with key suppliers of energy and raw materials. The leaders did not conceal their optimism. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim advanced a vision of intercultural dialogue between Confucian and Islamic civilizations, aligning with China's Global Civilization Initiative. Chinese Premier Li Qiang envisaged a 'big triangle' as a pillar of global security and prosperity, invoking the 'shared Asian values' of openness, cooperation, and integration in contrast to perceived Western norms. Notably, Beijing's official discourse increasingly emphasizes these 'Asian values'. This narrative underpins a renewed focus on neighboring states. In April, Xi convened a rare high-level conference on relations with the 'near abroad', characterizing it as essential to China's development, security, and diplomatic priorities. Among other regional actors, this recalibration may evoke concerns about a resurgence of a modern-day 'Pax Sinica'. However, Beijing refutes these interpretations, instead invoking alternative historical models such as the Silk Road, which emphasized connectivity, integration, and equality. The China-ASEAN-GCC summit was no exception: Beijing proposed extending the existing China-ASEAN Free Trade Area to include the GCC, a suggestion welcomed by Southeast Asian leaders. This could accelerate China's bid for trade liberalization and amplify the benefits of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership - the world's largest free trade zone, which includes all ASEAN nations. The summit's agenda focused heavily on economic issues, reflecting ASEAN's strategic orientation and the interests of Gulf states. Over the past decade, China has launched numerous projects with ASEAN members under the Belt and Road Initiative. Cooperation with the GCC is also expanding beyond traditional sectors such as raw materials to cutting-edge areas including artificial intelligence, the digital economy, and 5G technology. This economic emphasis is strategic, enabling stakeholders to bypass contentious political and security matters. And these contentious issues abound. While China maintains robust ties with both ASEAN and GCC members, bilateral frictions persist. Within ASEAN, territorial disputes and sovereignty concerns - particularly in the South China Sea - complicate trust-building. China's disputes with Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are longstanding and strain regional relations. Perceptions of Chinese assertiveness also fuel anxieties over economic overdependence, potential 'debt traps', and Beijing's political leverage. These factors have prompted leaders such as Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to move closer to the US in recent years. The broader China-US rivalry remains a defining dynamic. Both ASEAN and GCC nations have historically strong ties to the US. The US remains ASEAN's largest export market and top foreign investor. GCC countries, long aligned with Washington, now face the challenge of navigating a careful balance between American and Chinese interests, particularly on sensitive technologies and security cooperation. Washington opposes the adoption of Chinese 5G and AI technologies by Saudi Arabia, and similar concerns have led to the suspension of military agreements between the US and UAE. Additionally, discussions about conducting oil trade in the yuan challenge the petrodollar system and attract Western scrutiny. These geopolitical complexities could undermine trilateral collaboration, exposing fault lines and structural vulnerabilities. While sectors such as trade, energy, infrastructure, and advanced technology offer natural areas of convergence, geopolitical competition and cultural divergence present serious obstacles. Moreover, there is a pronounced asymmetry among the actors: Smaller ASEAN economies may lack the institutional and financial capacity to engage fully in this trilateral format. Nonetheless, the China-ASEAN-GCC platform represents a novel configuration within an emerging multipolar world order. It reflects the accelerating momentum of South-South cooperation, which integrates multipolarity with multilateralism and economic globalization. Trump's tariff storm served as a wake-up call for many US partners across ASEAN and the Gulf, underscoring the imperative of diversifying partnerships and embracing pragmatic alternatives. Closer ties with Beijing do not necessarily indicate a wholesale shift from one hegemon to another. Rather, ASEAN and the GCC are striving to engage both China and the US where feasible. Yet, recent developments suggest that Washington's strategy of pressuring states to reduce ties with China in exchange for benefits is losing traction. The key questions now are whether ASEAN can effectively balance great power rivalries to become an autonomous pole in a multipolar world; whether regional actors can sustain this delicate equilibrium and avoid the formation of military blocs in Asia-Pacific and beyond; and whether the trilateral framework itself can endure amid mounting geopolitical tensions. These remain open-ended questions - and the answers will emerge only with time. (
Free Malaysia Today
9 hours ago
- Free Malaysia Today
Domestic trade ministry's LPG cylinder operation explained
From Armizan Mohd Ali Op Gasak is being carried out from May 1 to Oct 31 with the main focus on combating illegal decanting, smuggling and use of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) cylinders by large- and medium-sized industries. The legal authority for Op Gasak is derived from the Control of Supplies Act 1961, Price Control and Anti-Profiteering Act 2011, and the Control of Supplies Regulations (Amendment) 2021 or PPKB (Amendment) 2021. No new policies or regulations are being introduced, and there are certainly no cuts or abolition of LPG subsidies, as alleged by certain parties. Certain issues have arisen with the implementation and enforcement of PPKB (Amendment) 2021 involving certain business sectors, specifically the food and beverage (F&B) industry. For that reason, inspections at F&B premises under Op Gasak are currently focussed on compliance checks and advocacy. No legal action is being taken against these F&B businesses. Once the operation concludes, a report on Op Gasak will serve as one of the key references for reviewing the relevance of the PPKB (Amendment) 2021, in relation to LPG cylinders. Since Op Gasak commenced on May 1, a technical committee chaired by the domestic trade and cost of living ministry secretary-general was formed to look into the matter. In addition to the Op Gasak report, recommendations and views from various stakeholders will be considered before any proposals are brought to the Cabinet. Under the previous government, amendments were made in 2021 to the Control of Supplies Regulations. One of the amended provisions fixed a limit on the use of LPG cylinders for trade or business purposes. Specifically, the PPKB (Amendment) 2021 states that any business using over 42kg of LPG at any one time requires an application for a scheduled controlled goods permit. This means that any party using more than 42kg (that is more than three of the 14kg cylinders, normally used by domestic users) must apply for a permit and cannot use subsidised LPG cylinders. This amendment has been in force since Oct 15, 2021. There are views that the 2021 regulations have impacted business costs for F&B traders, which in turn could affect their prices if they are not allowed to use subsidised cylinders. The underlying basis of the LPG subsidy is that it is a household consumption subsidy, not one intended for trade or commercial use. However, current regulations allow the use of up to 42kg at any one time without requiring a permit. F&B traders have expressed the need to use more than three subsidised LPG cylinders at once. If this need of theirs is to be considered, amendments to the 2021 regulations — specifically to the 42kg limit — will become necessary. We must also take into account other factors, such as the limit on subsidised cylinders per business and the type and scale of the business (micro, small, medium or large). Moreover, if food prices and cost of living are cited as justifications, the prices charged by these businesses should also be examined. For example, one trader sells chicken rice at RM8 per plate, while another sells it for over RM20. This is a big price difference despite both of them benefitting from the same LPG subsidy. A very important factor to consider is the financial implication on government allocations, which are public funds. For instance, the estimated subsidy for a business using five LPG cylinders a day is RM6,510 per month, based on RM43.40 in subsidy per cylinder. For a business using 10 cylinders daily, the monthly subsidy totals RM13,020 (300 cylinders/month). At the same time, monitoring mechanisms such as the requirement for scheduled goods permits are crucial. Based on the ministry's enforcement, there is a risk of decanting from subsidised supplies to businesses when there is no record-keeping or sale limits in place for verification. Decanting refers to the illegal transfer of LPG from subsidised cylinders to non-subsidised ones for commercial resale below market price, including for smuggling abroad. All these considerations, together with the recommendations and views of various parties, will be taken into account to determine whether the PPKB (Amendment) 2021 should be revised. If amendments are deemed necessary, the parameters and scope of the amendments must be carefully determined. Therefore, the Op Gasak report is a key reference point in charting the way forward for improving the 2021 regulations. Armizan Mohd Ali is the domestic trade and cost of living minister. The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
Malay Mail
10 hours ago
- Malay Mail
Federal govt unveils Kota Madani township in Putrajaya — a 10,000-home, high-density hub powered by AI
PUTRAJAYA, June 3 — The Federal government is set to launch a major urban development in Putrajaya with the construction of Kota Madani, a high-density smart township aligned with the national CHASE City vision. Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Federal Territories) Datuk Seri Dr Zaliha Mustafa said the project, spanning 102 acres, will feature 10,000 residential units to accommodate more than 30,000 people. The vertically developed township will integrate artificial intelligence, high-efficiency digital infrastructure, and green mobility systems — part of efforts to build a low-carbon, sustainable and secure city. 'This is a long-term strategic investment to shape Putrajaya as a model city upholding Madani values,' she said in a Facebook post today. On January 1, Dr Zaliha announced her vision for CHASE City — an initiative aimed at transforming all three Federal Territories into cities that are clean, healthy, advanced, safe, and eco-friendly. The groundbreaking ceremony for Kota Madani is scheduled for June 26, 2025. Dr Zaliha also expressed gratitude to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim for his confidence and guidance in shaping Kota Madani's strategic direction as a catalyst for more progressive and people-focused urban development.
