
Plans to lift two-child benefit cap will land UK's biggest jobless families with £20K a year costing taxpayer £3.5B
Around 70,000 families would receive more than £18,000 a year in child benefits if ministers move to lift the controversial limit.
3
3
Some of the largest families in the UK would find themselves more than £20,000 better off compared to the current system, however this could come at a hefty cost to the taxpayer.
The two-child benefit cap - introduced by the Conservatives in 2017 - means parents cannot claim Universal Credit payments (worth about £300 a month) for more than two of their kids.
However, ministers have floated the idea of scrapping the cap - which would cost £3.5 billion.
Pressure has been growing on Keir Starmer to change the policy, with his backbenchers believing the cap is deeply unfair to children growing up in poverty.
However, the Conservatives argue it would be unfair to hand packages to families on benefits that are worth more than the minimum wage when other taxpayers cannot afford to have more children.
Former prime minister Gordon Brown has pleaded the government to increase gambling levies in order to fund the scrapping of the cap.
If lifted, around half a million children could be taken out of poverty.
Nigel Farage has said Reform UK would also lift the cap to encourage families to have more children, leaving the Tories somewhat isolated in their position.
At present, the two-child benefit cap prevents families from claiming the £292.81-a-month child element of Universal Credit for third or subsequent children born after April 6, 2017.
Around 71,000 families with five or more children on Universal Credit would stand to gain significantly from the abolished cap, official figures show.
Changes to UC & PIP payments in full as Labour reveals bruising welfare bill concessions in bid to quell rebellion
Each one of these would become eligible for at least £18,122.88 every year.
This includes 14,899 families with six children, 4,812 with seven children, 1,822 with eight children and 668 with nine children, according to data released in answer to a parliamentary question.
On top of these, there are 424 families with ten or more children who, without the cap, could gain child Universal Credit payments worth more than £35,000 a year, in addition to other benefits.
Exactly how much each family stands to gain depends on when their children were born.
Shadow Work and Pensions Secretary Helen Whately said: "Without a cap, Labour will end up giving households thousands of pounds in extra benefits — a top-up worth more than a year's full-time pay on the minimum wage.
"Not only is this unaffordable, it's also unfair. If you're in work you don't get extra pay for another child, so it doesn't make sense for parents on benefits to get more."
She added: "Working people shouldn't see their taxes go up to fund uncapped payouts to others who've opted out of work but opted in to multiple children."
The prime minister has faced backlash from his backbench in recent months, including pressure which led to a u-turn on planned tightening for Personal Independence Payments (PIP) claims.
Whately said: "Starmer's Britain is living beyond its means. He needs to stand firm against the pressure from his backbenchers and make the firm but fair choices to get welfare costs under control."
TWO-CHILD BENEFIT CAP IS 'BIGGEST DRIVER OF RISING CHILD POVERTY'
However, Chief Executive of the Child Poverty Action Group Alison Garnham said that "evidence shows the two-child limit does not affect parents' decision about family size".
She highlighted that just two per cent of families on benefits had five or more children, arguing it was "poor policy" to focus on extreme cases.
Garnham added: "Clearly for these households, money does not drive decisions about family size since the vast majority are only receiving UC support for two children"
Around 4.5 million children currently live in relative poverty, with Garnham saying the two-child limit was the "biggest driver of rising child poverty".
100,000 more children entered relative poverty last year, and Garnham argues that "scrapping it is the most cost-effective way to reverse the increase".
She said: "Giving all children the best start in life will be impossible unless the government abolishes the policy in its autumn child poverty strategy."
A government spokesman said: "Every child — no matter their background — deserves the best start in life.
"That's why our child poverty taskforce will publish an ambitious strategy to tackle the structural and root causes of child poverty, and in the meantime we are investing £500 million in children's development and ensuring the poorest children don't go hungry in the holidays through a new £1 billion crisis support package."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
2 minutes ago
- The Independent
‘Owning a £500k home does not make you rich': Readers challenge Reeves' property tax plan
Independent readers are divided over proposals being considered by Chancellor Rachel Reeves for a new tax on homes worth more than £500,000, with many questioning whether the threshold would unfairly affect ordinary homeowners rather than the truly wealthy. Several argued that in high-priced areas, £500,000 is not a marker of wealth, with smaller homes often costing more than that. 'In London and parts of the South East, owning a £500k home… does not make you rich,' noted one reader, while others suggested a higher threshold or regional variations to avoid penalising middle-class families. Some readers welcomed the idea of targeting unearned property wealth, arguing that decades of house price rises have created inequalities that younger generations cannot overcome. 'Taxing property, targeting unearned income, is what the government needs to do,' one wrote. Others warned the tax could have unintended consequences, including discouraging downsizing, reducing housing market mobility, and forcing homeowners to raise asking prices to offset the levy. There were also concerns that pensioners or couples on modest incomes could be hit unfairly. Across the board, readers emphasised the need for a fair approach that distinguishes genuine wealth from ordinary homeowners. Here's what you had to say: Regional house price disparities I have recently moved from Berkshire to Yorkshire. The semi-detached house I've bought was £200,000 in Yorkshire, but the equivalent and possibly terraced house in Berkshire would have been £500,000. So this tax would certainly be a detriment to workers in the South East. The salary weighting is far from compensating for the house price difference. Over a £1,000,000 might be a more appropriate national figure, but possibly there would need to be some regional differences. This could also be reflected in IHT rates for inherited property. The problem that really needs to be addressed is ensuring that richer people actually pay tax on all their income and/or property, and that they are not able to legally "evade" tax using loopholes. DavidWR Property wealth tax concerns A tax on the unearned wealth of property due to the housing market of the last 40 years is a sensible tax. However, £500,000 is too low. It will bring many people who are just making ends meet into paying a tax they can't afford. In many parts of the country, especially the South East, £500k will barely get you a two-bed terrace house. If a couple has scrimped and saved to buy one in the last few years and can just afford the mortgage, they may end up being stuck in a property they can't afford to sell. That will impact both job mobility and the housing market. Maybe raise it to £750k to ensure it's only the genuinely wealthy that pay it. Tabbers Redistribution of unearned property wealth A lot of people are missing the point… too much of the nation's wealth has been tied up in property, with huge increases in prices over the last 20–30 years, all to be passed on to siblings. Younger generations without rich parents don't stand a chance. The government has no choice but to try and extract this unearned income and attempt to redistribute it to give other people a future. Taxing property, targeting unearned income, is what the government needs to do (and ignore the naysayers). ChrisMatthews Regional variation needed £500K is far too low… no way is this a wealth tax, more just about managing tax. The average cost of a home around here is about £450K, and that is a two-bed terrace. Surely the price should not be a blanket one but reflect different areas? mindful Impact on downsizing All that is going to do is make it far more likely that people in larger houses won't downsize, leading to increases in the value of those houses as the market dries up. The cost of moving house is already stopping many pensioners from downsizing. The level should be far higher or adjusted for regional differences at the very least. KrakenUK Inefficient housing stock In the south of England, developers only want to build large homes as that's where they can make the most profit. They justify the need for large homes by stating there is a terrible shortfall. In reality, there are millions of large homes in the UK with single elderly people rattling about in them, when a smaller, more efficient, quality home would make far more sense. Older people balk at the thought of selling up and paying loads in Stamp Duty for their new home. A new 'selling' tax will just cement this inglorious cycle. Hardly Surprised Council tax outdated This Council Tax was a last-minute replacement for the Poll Tax. It has become as unpopular because it is based on property prices nearly 35 years ago. Things have moved on since then, and so should this tax system. jadfg Illusion of wealth through property The illusion that you create wealth while sitting on your backside checking Zoopla to see how much your house has gone up has to be broken. Work creates wealth. Property prices just redistribute it unfairly. The worst result of house price booms is the emergence of millions of little property empires of buy-to-let investors who retire at 45 and contribute nothing thereafter. Ironically, they end up renting to each other's kids, but their imagination doesn't stretch that far. Carolan Middle-class southern households Labour seem determined to lose all support everywhere. In London and parts of the South East, owning a £500k home, which is often smaller than a £300k home up north, does not make you rich. This is partially about trying to win over people who call middle-class southerners 'the London elite'. Has Starmer not realised that no amount of red meat can satisfy the rabid? They just grow bigger and stronger on it. Starmer and co are reluctant to penalise the super-rich who can get rich after their term in office or use their media clout to hound them out. BrotherChe Economic warning More adjusting of the net curtains while the house crumbles… Prof Richard Wolff and Analyst Sean Foo on China dumping increasingly worthless US bonds, but after Japan and China, the UK, the third largest holder of worthless bonds, is buying more – collapse is on the horizon, especially as Trump blunders with little understanding of the impact: Meanwhile, here in the UK, our chancellor is buying US Treasury Bonds like there's no tomorrow! At the same time, we are told we are so skint we'll have to cut back on help for the disabled. This will wreck our economy – all to try and crawl to Trump, who hates them! Dolphins Impact on pensioners A property tax doesn't take account of residents' incomes. Four wage-earners in a £499k property would not pay, but a couple of pensioners in a £501k property would have to starve – and freeze – to death. Lucy Lastic Property as investment People look to accumulate profit in house ownership to compensate for low wages. If their gaff is going up by 5 per cent year on year, they're quids in and can retire in style. Lots of people own houses as a business – what percentage of homeowners actually live in that home? Stop anyone owning more than one house, especially foreign buyers. We are rife with investors dispossessing us here. covergo Want to share your views


The Independent
2 minutes ago
- The Independent
Zelensky knows from bitter experience not to trust promises on security
Just like the summit meeting between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin a few days previously, Monday's extended meetings between the US, Ukrainian and European leaders ended with all concerned claiming success – but major questions remain over what exactly was agreed. Sir Keir Starmer came away from the talks claiming there had been 'real progress' towards peace in Ukraine, with 'two material outcomes': the prospect of a direct meeting between the Russian and Ukrainian leaders, and of security guarantees to protect Ukraine. But on both of these issues, it is unclear how these outcomes match up with what Russia thinks is happening next. The notion of 'security guarantees' has caused deep confusion and extensive speculation since Trump envoy Steven Witkoff floated the idea of 'NATO-like' backing for Ukraine on Sunday. The fact that this would represent a stunning reversal of not just NATO but also US policy, combined with Witkoff's track record of a poor grasp of the key issues and misunderstanding what he has been told by the Russian side, should have set alarm bells ringing despite the excitable media reaction. Any realistic protection for Ukraine would thwart Putin's ambition to address what he calls 'the root causes of the crisis' – namely Ukraine's existence as a sovereign, independent nation able to determine its own future. And sure enough, Monday's meetings ended with no public clarity on what kind of backing for Ukraine was under discussion, making it impossible to tell if this amounts to meaningful protection or something that can be comfortably ignored by Moscow. Trump's comment that Russian acceptance of security guarantees for Ukraine was 'one of the key points that we need to consider' at the White House meetings could even be read as suggesting that no plans had yet been proposed, let alone endorsed by the Russian side. Possible support to Ukraine covers a vast range of different options, from promises on paper up to the physical presence of Western troops there in order to deter further Russian aggression. The former could prove as worthless as the 1994 Budapest Memorandum where Russia committed to respecting Ukrainian independence, sovereignty and borders, and to not using military force against it. In return Ukraine agreed to give up their nuclear weapons. The latter – putting soldiers on the ground – has until now been consistently ruled out by the United States, and by European states without American backing. Meanwhile Volodymyr Zelenskyy has referred to promises of arms purchases from the United States as part of a security package, although this just as much resembles part of a bidding war for Trump's favours in which Zelenskyy is competing with Putin. The confusion also extends to the prospect of any possible meeting between Putin and Zelensky. Despite Trump interrupting the meetings to keep the European leaders hanging for 40 minutes while he checked in with Putin, the pattern was repeated of the US and Russian sides coming out with completely different versions of what was agreed on any given issue. Trump promised a meeting between Zelenskyy and Putin, while Russia did not agree that this had been agreed. This too is unsurprising. Zelensky has always said he is ready to meet Putin; Putin, on the other hand, maintains that Zelensky is not a legitimate leader, and therefore declines to recognise him as a negotiating partner. In any case, it is far from clear that a meeting of this kind would make it any easier to end the war, given the complete incompatibility of the two sides' objectives – Ukraine's destruction, or its survival. For the leaders of five European states, of NATO and of the European Commission to be extracted from their schedules at zero notice and delivered across the Atlantic in a last-ditch effort to avoid disaster at the hands of Trump was an extraordinary spectacle. It suggested these leaders do genuinely believe that the future of Ukraine is vital to the future of Europe. But whether this dramatic intervention will be followed up with meaningful steps to enforce any possible peace settlement remains to be seen. Talk continues of a European 'coalition of the willing' to support peace in Ukraine. But the limits of European capacity to intervene were rammed home painfully in February, when Keir Starmer and others concluded that this would be impossible without US support. The requirement for action rather than words led to a painful realisation of the difference between a coalition of the willing and a coalition of the able. And despite firm advocacy for a ceasefire from the Europeans on Monday, Trump did not budge from Putin's position that the fighting must continue during negotiations on a settlement. Trump's determination to follow the Russian line showed through in his claim that he has "ended six wars without a ceasefire", which flatly contradicts his claims at the time the United States was attempting to bring about ceasefires between India and Pakistan, Iran and Israel, or Thailand and Cambodia. Rightly or wrongly, Putin still assesses that he can gain more by fighting on than by agreeing a ceasefire. And that brings up another key issue where it is not clear what, if anything, has been agreed: the "land swaps", Trumpspeak for Ukraine giving up territory and people in the Donbas region that Russia has been unable to conquer militarily, in exchange for saying that it will not attack further on other parts of the front line. Trump coming face to face with Putin triggered another reversal of his views on Ukraine, and a return to looking to Zelenskyy alone to end the war – in effect blaming the victim for resisting rather than the aggressor for attacking. European leaders intervened in an attempt to head off any US attempt to impose disastrous terms on Ukraine on behalf of Russia. The European effort was a carefully choreographed massaging of Trump's ego, in an attempt to compete with Putin's hypnotic hold. One after another, the Europeans repeated Trump's words back to him and praised him as the only person capable of breaking the deadlock and ending the war. The fact that it is Putin, not Trump, that can end the war at a moment's notice, and that the ceasefire they were arguing for was long treated as the worst-case outcome and a sellout to Moscow, were carefully overlooked. But the danger remains that Trump and those around him are seduced by Russia's framing of the war and by Putin's manipulation, leading Trump to grasp at the belief that 'he wants to make a deal with me'. Treating Russian territorial gains as an inevitable outcome is a Kremlin talking point, strongly endorsed by Trump. And describing Russian agreement to security guarantees for Ukraine as a major concession by Moscow is an extraordinary demonstration of mental capture. The United States has never previously sought or needed permission to protect its allies and partners against invasion. Volodymyr Zelensky ended the day appearing calm and confident, saying that 'no unacceptable decisions were made'. But still, the fundamentals of what has been agreed between Trump and Putin remain murky, and the risk remains of Trump concluding once again that the only obstacle to peace is Ukraine's inconvenient insistence on defending itself. European leaders have done their best to bring the situation back from the brink of disaster – but the coming days will show whether it was enough.


Telegraph
3 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Noisy employees irritating older workers is ‘not age harassment'
Older workers who are disturbed by 'noisy and disruptive' younger colleagues are not the victims of age harassment, a tribunal has ruled. Employees in their 20s who socialise during office hours and spend time on their mobile phones are not breaking workplace equality rules, an employment judge said. The ruling came in the case of Catherine Ritchie, an administrator in her 60s, who took her bosses to an employment tribunal after they 'allowed' her younger co-workers to stand around and socialise during work hours. Ms Ritchie said she found it difficult to watch the 'extreme time-wasting' by her 'boisterous' colleagues who were mostly in their 20s and 30s. Employment Judge Sally Cowen dismissed Ms Ritchie's claims and said that it is 'not reasonable' to assume that loud behaviour in the office is age-related harassment. Instead, the judge said that it was unfair of Ms Ritchie to project her own standards of working onto her colleagues. 'Extreme time wasting' The tribunal, held in Watford, was told that Ms Ritchie started working as a booking administrator for Goom Electrical in December 2020. She was the oldest person in the workplace at 66 when she joined. From September 2021, Ms Ritchie told a manager that she found the office to be a 'very noisy environment' and that it was 'distracting' when she was trying to make calls. The administrator said that she found it 'unprofessional' that her colleagues engaged in personal conversations 'when they ought to be working'. In an email, she said that her colleagues did not have the correct work ethic and that it was difficult to watch 'extreme time wasting and low productivity'. She also said that her colleagues had their phones out on their desks and were often standing around chatting. Ms Ritchie said her colleagues were 'not paid to socialise'. Complaint to HR In early 2022, Ms Ritchie was allegedly told by one manager that she should concentrate on reaching her call targets and that 'she should not concern herself with the problems of others'. In July of that year, Ms Ritchie asked to work remotely to avoid 'the noise and disruption' and the following month she wrote a grievance to HR. Ms Ritchie said that her head was 'pounding' at the end of the working day and that she believed she may have been suffering from dysphonia, a medical term for a hoarse voice. Shortly afterwards, she went on sick leave and in September 2022 she resigned. The administrator attended a grievance meeting after she left the company in which she complained that she had 'not been respected' when she asked her colleagues to be quiet. Her grievance was partially upheld and her employers said that they were working to resolve the noise levels. Managers failed to intervene Ms Ritchie took the company to the tribunal, claiming age discrimination, harassment related to age, and public interest disclosure, among others. During the proceedings, Ms Ritchie complained that the 120 calls she was expected to make every day were an example of discrimination, as older people might be more susceptible to arthritis and would struggle to sit still for long periods. She also complained that one of the managers had failed to intervene when staff were behaving in a 'noisy and boisterous' manner. Instead, she said one manager 'allowed' the loud behaviour and had even 'joined in'. The judge said she took into account that these actions took place shortly after offices had reopened following the Covid pandemic.