Attempt being made to portray me as a terrorist, says rapper Vedan
Kochi: Responding to recent remarks by
Hindu Aikya Vedi
chief patron KP Sasikala, rapper Hirandas Murali, popularly known as Vedan, said that his remarks were not directed at Sasikala personally but were targeted at his political views.
"There is a concerted attempt to portray me as a terrorist and a divisive figure. All I am doing is my profession," Vedan said.
He strongly refuted allegations that his songs are casteist or that he is being funded by foreign agencies. Responding to Sasikala's claim that rap music has no connection with dalit identity, Vedan countered, "There is no connection between radical Hindutva and democracy. I stand for democracy and speak for the people."
He added that Sasikala's statements reflect a mindset that wants dalits to remain confined to traditional roles. "If I was the voice for classical or ghazal singing, I would have done that. Since my voice suits rap, I express myself through this genre," he said.
Addressing criticism over his participation in a govt-sponsored event, Vedan said there was nothing wrong in being part of a programme hosted by a democratically elected govt. "It is foolish to label me as a supporter of any political party. I have always maintained that I am an independent artist. Aligning with a party would compromise that independence," he said.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New Indian Express
15 hours ago
- New Indian Express
NIA to probe murder of former Bajrang Dal leader Suhas Shetty in Mangaluru after MHA approval
NEW DELHI: The Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has given its nod to hand over the probe into the murder of former Bajrang Dal leader Suhas Shetty in Karnataka's Mangaluru last month to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Shetty, the prime accused in the 2022 murder of a 23-year-old man named Mohammed Fazil, was killed by a group of assailants on May 1 near Kinnipadavu. So far, local police have arrested 11 people in connection with the murder. According to the officials, the NIA will now investigate Shetty's murder case after it received a communication from the MHA allowing it to take up the case. The anti-terror agency will take police remand of all the accused and question them in detail about the case. According to the police, five to six men armed with swords and sharp weapons intercepted Shetty's car and attacked him. He was rushed to a nearby hospital, but succumbed to his injuries. Shetty's murder triggered widespread unrest across the Dakshina Kannada district, with the police enforcing prohibitory orders, suspending public transport, and political groups demanding a central investigation into the murder. Shetty, 42, was a well-known figure in coastal Karnataka's political undercurrent, with a long-standing association with Hindutva organisations like the Bajrang Dal. He had five criminal cases against him and was considered a rowdy-sheeter. Shetty's name came to national attention in 2022 as a key accused in the murder of Fazil, a case that intensified communal tensions in the region. Notably, Fazil's murder occurred just two days after the killing of BJP Yuva Morcha leader Praveen Nettaru in Sullia, which significantly heightened tensions across coastal Karnataka.
Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
What ails MU's study and research centres?
MUMBAI: Around five years ago, on December 6, 2020, a senior Shiv Sena minister led the ground-breaking ceremony of what was to be a world-class study and research centre on the legacy of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, founder of India's Dalit movement and architect of the Indian Constitution, at the Kalina campus of the University of Mumbai. The event, presided over by then minister for higher and technical education and currently industries minister, Uday Samant, was conducted with much fanfare and attended by then chief minister, Uddhav Thackeray. The centre was to be the go-to research academy for scholars, faculty and students from all over the world, anyone who wanted to immerse themselves in the life and work of Dr Ambedkar. It appears to have been no more than a pipe dream, for five years later, the centre functions out of temporary premises in the absence of a permanent space. And while it offers a Master's degree and a diploma, its goals remain frustratingly out of reach. Study and research centres such as this have been in focus since a new study centre named after Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who shaped the Hindutva ideology, was inaugurated recently. Many of the older ones, at the university's Kalina campus, are barely limping along, keeping themselves afloat via workshops and lectures, and the occasional academic programme. Lacking funding and absent from the university's priority list, some of these centres operate out of vacant classrooms and office spaces. Announced by politicians, academics say these centres are either little more than publicity stunts targeting specific vote banks or serve to appease senior political figures. With a vision as myopic as this, how can these research centres achieve their grand academic ambitions? Let's take a closer look at five research centres at the Kalina campus. Rajiv Gandhi Centre for Contemporary Studies It was established in 2006 to mark the university's 150th anniversary and to honour the legacy of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi. The centre began as a special chair funded by the Union ministry of human resource development through the University Grants Commission (UGC). Over time, it developed into a full-fledged study centre focusing on contemporary issues. Today, the centre offers a Master's in Social Work (MSW) degree but little else. It lacks sufficient full-time faculty members to support the course. The centre has its own space, but it's not big enough to conduct proper classes. Vice-Chancellor Professor Ravindra Kulkarni said that while the centre was initially supported by central government funds for five years, it now runs on aid from the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR). 'We are trying to make it more active,' Kulkarni said. 'Recently, we organised a conference for NGOs through the centre, which brought in fresh ideas and perspectives.' Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar International Research Centre When it was announced in December 2020, this research centre was meant to attract scholars from all over the world, to be inspired by the legacy of one of India's foremost social reformers, political leaders and the architect of the Indian Constitution. It was also to lead research on the life and work of Dr Ambedkar. Today, the centre still doesn't have its own space. On its goals far from being achieved, Rohit Dhale, president of student organisation Chhatra Bharati, said, 'Just like political parties do, the university administration too offers no more than hollow assurances.' In defence of the centre, Kulkarni said, 'The centre runs academic programmes and conferences. In recent years, we organised two conferences in London through this centre and are running a Master's programme in Dr Ambedkar Studies and Development Studies. We also offer a post-graduate diploma in Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Thoughts.' Like many of the other centres, this one too lacks funds. After the initial provision of ₹5 crore ran out, the university submitted a proposal to the UGC to approve the Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar chair. This would help in appointing one professor, one assistant professor and one research scholar at the centre. Balasaheb Thackeray Study Centre Established in 2019 after being proposed in 2015 by then Shiv Sena ministers Ravindra Waikar and Vinod Tawde, this study centre is named after Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray. It was meant to promote research into Indian culture, regional languages, and public speaking inspired by Thackeray's oratory skills. Currently working out of Sanskrit Bhavan at the Kalina campus, the centre still doesn't have a permanent space or academic programme. Yuva Sena (UBT) member and university senate member, Pradeep Sawant, said the centre was near-dormant. 'Other than events on Balasaheb's birth and death anniversaries, nothing substantial is happening. While we welcome the new Savarkar centre, older centres need attention too,' he said. Kulkarni said, 'We have organised workshops in cartooning, drawing, aerial photography and lectures inspired by Balasaheb's philosophy. The centre is active, and more events are planned.' Annabhau Sathe Centre The Sahityaratna Annabhau Sathe Study Centre, launched in 2021 to promote the work of Dalit writer and social reformer Tukaram Bhaurao Sathe, aims to translate his literature into other languages and conduct training through short courses and cultural activities. Despite these lofty ambitions, the centre has been running from Sanskrit Bhavan at the Kalina campus. A research scholar expressed disappointment, saying, 'I come from a rural area. I was excited to see the centre and wanted to sign up for a course here but it has no proper set-up or academic clarity.' The centre's recent achievement: Publishing a book by Prof Baliram Gaikwad, who also serves as its director. Bal Apte Centre Named after Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideologue and former Rajya Sabha MP Bal Apte, the Prof Bal Apte Centre for Studies in Students and Youth Movements has seen quick progress since its inception in August 2019. It is set to launch a post-graduate course on youth movements from the upcoming academic year. A building to house the centre is also under construction at the Kalina campus. Kulkarni said, 'We have already hosted conferences and conclaves under this centre, and more will follow.'
New Indian Express
a day ago
- New Indian Express
Dynastic feuds may reshape Indian politics
In Bihar, the Rashtriya Janata Dal leans on its OBC and Muslim vote bank, and Lalu Prasad Yadav's anti-elite legacy. His sons, Tej Pratap and Tejashwi, are locked in a clownish feud as Tej Pratap's social media rant about 'Jaichands' and a 12-year romance clash with Tejashwi's steady hand as Lalu's heir. The RJD's political now wobbles as Tej Pratap's antics, in the backdrop of his estranged wife Aishwarya's lament, alienate voters. If the RJD fractures, Bihar's educated youth craving jobs over drama could turn to the BJP's development narrative or Nitish Kumar's JD(U) again. Consolidation under Tejashwi would bolster the RJD's clout, challenging the BJP's dominance and forcing the Congress to play second fiddle in alliances. UP's Samajwadi Party (SP), rooted in Yadav and OBC identity, still stings from its 2016 family feud, when Akhilesh Yadav ousted uncle Shivpal, costing the party the 2017 election. Akhilesh now wields the SP's political clout consisting of its caste-based vote bank. But UP's urbanising youth, less swayed by caste, demand results. If the SP splinters further, the BJP with its Hindutva and development mix will tighten its grip on the state, leaving the Congress to pick up scraps. A unified SP leveraging its Yadav-Muslim base could challenge the BJP's hegemony, forcing national parties to negotiate hard for UP's 80 Lok Sabha seats. Maharashtra's NCP, built on Maratha pride and rural networks, is reeling from Ajit Pawar's 2023 betrayal splitting from Sharad Pawar and his daughter Supriya Sule to join the BJP. Ajit's grab for the NCP's name, symbol and the Maratha vote bank left Supriya's faction scrambling. If the split persists, the BJP and its ally Shiv Sena will dominate the state, with the Congress gaining marginal urban votes. A reunited NCP, though a long shot, could reclaim its kingmaker status, forcing national parties to vie for its support in coalition games. The BSP, anchored in Dalit empowerment, is Mayawati's fortress. Her anointment of brother Anand Kumar and nephew Aakash screams of nepotism. Its political capital is its Jatav Dalit base, which is slipping as educated Dalits drift to BJP's development promises. If the BSP collapses under dynastic weight, the BJP will absorb its voters, cementing dominance in UP, while the Congress might snag urban Dalits. Consolidation under Aakash, if Mayawati steps back, could revive the BSP's Dalit clout, challenging national parties in UP's caste cauldron. West Bengal's Trinamool Congress, fuelled by Bengali sub-nationalism, is Mamata Banerjee's domain, with nephew Abhishek Banerjee as heir. His rise as MP and party general secretary irks veterans, but Mamata's grip keeps dissent at bay. But Bengal's growing middle class demands merit. If the TMC fractures post-Mamata, the BJP's Hindutva pitch could sway voters, with the Congress a distant contender. A consolidated TMC under Abhishek could dominate Bengal, forcing national parties to cede ground in eastern coalitions. In Tamil Nadu, the DMK thrives on Dravidian identity, championing Tamil pride and social justice. M K Stalin, Karunanidhi's son, rules unchallenged, grooming his son Udhayanidhi Stalin as successor, with hardly any overt pushback from anyone within the family or outside. The DMK's politics, comprising its Tamil base and anti-Hindi stance, is robust, but Tamil Nadu's IT-driven prosperity is breeding a youth sceptical of dynasty. In the unlikely but hypothetical situation of the DMK splintering, the BJP could gain urban footholds while the AIADMK mops up rural votes. A unified DMK, with Udhayanidhi at the helm, would keep Tamil Nadu a regional stronghold by marginalising national parties. The Pattali Makkal Katchi, ensconced in Tamil Nadu's Vanniyar caste silo, faces collapse as S Ramadoss battles son Anbumani, who was sacked from party president's chair in April 2025 over a BJP alliance spat. Anbumani's defiance targets the PMK's political foundation. If the PMK implodes, the DMK and AIADMK will rupture its fountainhead, with the BJP gaining marginal caste votes. But a united PMK could still sway coalitions, forcing national parties to court its niche clout.
