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Philippine court stops VP Sara Duterte's impeachment, raising ‘more questions than answers'

Philippine court stops VP Sara Duterte's impeachment, raising ‘more questions than answers'

The
Philippine Supreme Court has derailed the
impeachment trial of Vice-President Sara Duterte-Carpio over a procedural flaw, a landmark ruling that legal observers warn avoids the substance of the allegations and risks leaving the public with more questions than answers.
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In a unanimous 15–0 ruling delivered on Friday, the court found that the impeachment complaint endorsed by the House earlier this year violated the 'one-year rule' under the 1987 constitution, which prohibits multiple impeachment proceedings against the same official within a 12-month period.
While both chambers of Congress said they would not appeal against the decision, the House of Representatives immediately vowed to refile the impeachment complaint early next year.
The full ruling has yet to be released, but court spokeswoman Camille Ting said the justices concluded that due process 'applies during all stages of the impeachment process' and reminded the House that 'there is a right way to do the right things at the right time'.
'Our fundamental law is clear. The end of it does not justify the means,' Ting quoted the court as saying.
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She did not elaborate on how the House had run afoul of the one-year rule, but said the violation meant the Senate 'could not acquire jurisdiction over the impeachment proceedings'.
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Deciphering America's mixed messaging on Myanmar
Deciphering America's mixed messaging on Myanmar

AllAfrica

time4 hours ago

  • AllAfrica

Deciphering America's mixed messaging on Myanmar

On July 22, three bills addressing Myanmar (Burma) issues passed their respective US House of Representatives committees, paving the way for the next steps in becoming law. While they still have a long way to go before becoming actual legislation, their progress offered a glimmer of hope to the people of Myanmar. Amidst an administration intent on slashing foreign assistance, these measures stand out. They aim to sever the military junta's economic lifelines, deliver justice for atrocities committed against civilians, and align US foreign policy more closely with Myanmar's democratic forces. The Bringing Real Accountability Via Enforcement in Burma Act, or the BRAVE Burma Act, focuses on choking off the junta's financial streams. It mandates the US government to annually review and escalate sanctions on Myanmar's state-owned enterprises, financial institutions and any foreign entities supplying aviation fuel—fuel that the junta routinely uses in deadly aerial assaults on civilians. The Burma Genocide Accountability and Protection Act, or Burma GAP Act, calls for the authorization of humanitarian assistance for Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons, supports transitional justice mechanisms and advocates for the inclusion of the Rohingya in a future democratic federal system. It also encourages deeper US engagement with democratic actors such as the National Unity Government , the National Unity Consultative Council and ethnic resistance organizations. The bill further calls for the appointment of a Special US Representative and Policy Coordinator on Burma. The third bill, the No New Burma Funds Act, seeks to prohibit US support for any new financial assistance from the World Bank to Myanmar's military regime. All three bills must still pass floor votes in the House before heading to the Senate, where the process starts anew. Importantly, while these bills authorize potential funding or actions, none actually appropriate funds. And even when funding is appropriated, there is no guarantee the executive branch will execute the mandated actions. For example, Myanmar watchers recall the deeply disappointing lack of full implementation of the Burma Act of 2022, despite its passage. Still, it is rare to see three Myanmar-related bills introduced simultaneously, each with bipartisan sponsorship and overwhelmingly favorable committee votes. This suggests that, at least within Congress, there remains a shared, cross-party commitment to restoring democracy in Myanmar and holding the military accountable for its crimes, including genocide. And yet—just two days later, on July 24, 2025—the US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control announced the removal of three entities and four individuals of Myanmar origin from the Specially Designated Nationals list. All had previously been sanctioned for their close ties to junta activities. The decision caught many off guard. Congress, after all, is actively seeking to increase sanctions against the junta and its affiliates. Was this an act of defiance by the administration? A case of the right hand not knowing what the left is doing within a sprawling bureaucracy? Or the result of powerful lobbying behind closed doors? A congratulatory LinkedIn post by an associate at the lobbying firm Ferrari & Associates suggests that lobbying likely played a role. In truth, the explanation may involve all of the above. To understand the current landscape, these developments must be viewed alongside other recent events. It is no secret that Myanmar's military junta desperately craves international legitimacy and recognition. To that end, it has spent millions of dollars on lobbying firms. While immediate recognition remains out of reach, the junta's long-term plan is clear: stage a sham election where its proxy civilian party—the Union Solidarity and Development Party—is rigged to win, and claim democratic legitimacy. On July 7, 2025, President Donald Trump issued standardized, form-letter announcements of new tariff policies to world leaders. Among the recipients: General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader and head of the junta. Whether this was a diplomatic error or a protocol mishap remains unclear, but Min Aung Hlaing seized the moment. Within two days, he responded with a formal letter framing Trump's correspondence as implicit recognition of his illegitimate coup-installed regime. In the letter, he thanked President Trump, requested sanctions relief and proposed sending a high-level negotiation team to Washington, DC. For seasoned Burma watchers, the polished and strategic language of his response strongly suggests it was ghostwritten by a professional Western lobbying firm. On July 19, The Irrawaddy reported on X that the junta was planning to dispatch a delegation to negotiate tariffs, even naming its members. From an economic perspective, Myanmar is in no position to merit such attention. However, if US visas were granted—whether due to another administrative misstep or quiet lobbying—it would represent a major propaganda win for the junta in its quest for international recognition. Following public outcry, Myanmar Now published a follow-up on July 21 in which alleged delegation members denied any such plan existed. On June 4, 2025, Trump signed an executive order reinstating a 'travel ban' that included Myanmar among the restricted countries. Technically, no Myanmar nationals—especially those representing the military junta—should be permitted entry into the United States. Yet loopholes remain. Technocrats such as Dr Zaw Oo, who is affiliated with the junta and allegedly a member of the proposed delegation, hold US permanent residency and were educated in American institutions. He also maintains ties with US-based consulting firms. Moreover, just months ago, a congressional hearing—believed to be influenced by special interest groups—discussed easing sanctions on Myanmar, citing the need for post-earthquake relief and reconstruction following the devastating quake in March 2025. In such a chaotic and shadowy political environment, Myanmar's grassroots democracy advocates must remain not only patient and persistent in pressing for meaningful US legislation and follow-through—but also vigilant. They must guard against the covert maneuvers of high-paid lobbyists working on behalf of a ruthless and well-funded regime. Only with such vigilance and tenacity can one hope to decipher the shifting sands of Myanmar-related policy within the Beltway—and ensure that US support aligns with the democratic aspirations of the Myanmar people, not the ambitions of their oppressors. Than N Oo is an activist and a co-founder of the Free Myanmar advocacy group

Trump says Thailand and Cambodia agree to hold immediate ceasefire talks
Trump says Thailand and Cambodia agree to hold immediate ceasefire talks

South China Morning Post

timea day ago

  • South China Morning Post

Trump says Thailand and Cambodia agree to hold immediate ceasefire talks

US President Donald Trump said on Saturday that the leaders of Cambodia and Thailand had agreed to meet immediately to quickly work out a ceasefire, as he sought to broker peace after three days of fighting along their border. Thailand's acting prime minister, Phumtham Wechayachai, thanked Trump and said Thailand 'agrees in principle to have a ceasefire in place' but 'would like to see sincere intention from the Cambodian side'. Phumtham was responding on social media to a series of posts made by Trump during a visit to Scotland. Trump said he had spoken to Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Phumtham and warned them that he would not make trade deals with either if the border conflict continued. 'Both Parties are looking for an immediate Ceasefire and Peace,' Trump wrote as he gave a blow-by-blow account of his diplomatic efforts. Phumtham also said he had asked Trump 'to convey to the Cambodian side that Thailand wants to convene a bilateral dialogue as soon as possible to bring forth measures and procedures for the ceasefire and the eventual peaceful resolution of the conflict'. More than 30 people have been killed and more than 130,000 people displaced in the worst fighting between the Southeast Asian neighbours in 13 years.

In Trump's tariff deals with Southeast Asia, will there be any winners?
In Trump's tariff deals with Southeast Asia, will there be any winners?

South China Morning Post

time2 days ago

  • South China Morning Post

In Trump's tariff deals with Southeast Asia, will there be any winners?

Now that Donald Trump's arbitrary July 9 deadline for negotiations on 'reciprocal' tariffs has come and gone, what are the implications for Southeast Asia? To date, Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines are the only countries in the region to have secured so-called deals. Other countries are left with the previously announced April tariffs intact, although the negotiating deadline has been extended for three weeks to August 1. As things stand, there remain few winners in Southeast Asia in the ongoing saga. Details on the agreement with Vietnam are sparse, but it seems Hanoi has managed to get its initial 'reciprocal' tariff rate of 46 per cent reduced to 20 per cent. A 40 per cent tariff will be applied on transshipped products – without an exact definition of exactly what constitutes 'transshipment'. Trump posted on social media that Vietnam had granted the US 'TOTAL ACCESS' to its market, which seems to amount to a duty waiver on US products entering Vietnam. An artisan works on a pair of leather boots in Indonesia. Indonesian goods entering the US will face a 19 per cent tariff. Photo: AFP

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