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Relieved foreigners leave a tense Israel after truce with Iran

Relieved foreigners leave a tense Israel after truce with Iran

Reuters9 hours ago

TEL AVIV, June 24 (Reuters) - Foreign nationals leaving Israel on Tuesday voiced both relief for themselves and anxiety for family and friends staying behind as uncertainty hung over the country hours after a fragile ceasefire deal with Iran was announced.
As part of evacuation plans organised by their countries' embassies, two large groups of Canadians and Australians gathered at a hotel in Tel Aviv, the former to board a bus to Jordan and the latter a flight to Dubai.
"Now I know what being scared actually feels like. I don't think I've known fear like this before," said Tamar Banon, 32, a dual citizen of Canada and Israel who lives in Montreal and was visiting family when the air war broke out on June 13.
A ceasefire was announced by U.S. President Donald Trump in the early hours of Tuesday, but the situation remained tense with Israel accusing Iran of violating it and threatening retaliation. Iran denied the violation.
Banon said she remained worried for her family and for Israel as a whole. "I want them to have a good life without having to think about, you know, war and missiles and rockets."
Israel started the war with the stated aim of destroying Iran's nuclear capabilities. Its strikes killed hundreds of Iranian civilians as well as some senior military commanders and nuclear scientists, while damaging uranium enrichment sites.
Iran retaliated with missiles that forced people in Israel to huddle in safe rooms and bomb shelters, often several times in a single night or day. The strikes killed 28 people and damaged hundreds of buildings.
The United States entered the war at the weekend, unleashing 30,000-pound bunker-busting bombs on fortified, underground Iranian nuclear installations.
Australian Mark Avraham, 40, had flown in from Sydney to visit family and friends and take part in Pride celebrations. Despite experiencing 12 days of war, he plans to emigrate to Israel soon, in part due to what he described as rising antisemitism back home.
"Two days before I left Australia, someone tried to run me over in their car while shouting antisemitic abuse," he said.
"I feel incredibly guilty that I get to leave and they have to stay," he said, referring to friends and family in Israel. "But I know that they will be safe and they will look after each other, and I will be back in less than 12 months to be with them."
Fellow Australian Taiba Ash, 35, from Melbourne, had come to Israel for what was supposed to be a fun-filled family holiday. She was on a night out with her husband when the first air raid siren rang out to warn people to take shelter.
"We had no idea what to do," she said, recounting how they ran back to their rental apartment, woke up their children and stood under the stairs in terror.
The family later found out there was a bomb shelter nearby, so for night after night they jumped out of bed to run there whenever sirens blared.
"It's not safe for our kids to be here. It's not safe for their emotional wellbeing as well as their physical wellbeing. They are scared and nervous, and they feel our energy, even though we're trying to mask it," she said.
Ash had no regrets about leaving.
"I think what I'm most looking forward to going home to is a full night's sleep."

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News live: 119 stranded Australians flown out of Israel; Marles plays down chance of Trump meeting at Nato summit
News live: 119 stranded Australians flown out of Israel; Marles plays down chance of Trump meeting at Nato summit

The Guardian

time15 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

News live: 119 stranded Australians flown out of Israel; Marles plays down chance of Trump meeting at Nato summit

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The 12-day war that shook the world
The 12-day war that shook the world

Telegraph

time17 minutes ago

  • Telegraph

The 12-day war that shook the world

Benjamin Netanyahu knew full well he was about to embark on a legacy-defining operation. He had anticipated this moment for more than three decades, ever since his days as a Knesset backbencher in 1992 – the first time he gave warning that Iran was just years away from building a nuclear bomb. Over 17 years in office, Israel's longest-serving prime minister had repeatedly come close to ordering military action against Iran. But each time, he pulled back, under pressure from the United States, his generals, or perhaps even his own nerves. This time would be different. Military campaigns over the previous 18 months had severely degraded Tehran's regional proxies – Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon. Even Mr Netanyahu's most cautious generals agreed: there would never be a better moment to strike. Only one major obstacle remained – the White House. Donald Trump's re-election had sparked jubilation among Mr Netanyahu's supporters, who believed there was no greater friend of Israel. Yet Mr Trump was proving unexpectedly obdurate. In April, Mr Netanyahu presented the president with a detailed plan for military action. Mr Trump vetoed it. He wanted to give diplomacy another chance, and dispatched Steve Witkoff, his Middle East envoy and golfing buddy, to talk to the Iranians. Israeli officials held their counsel in public. In private, they were aghast. Rumours of a rift began to swirl. Israel no longer appeared central to Washington's Middle East strategy as Mr Trump toured the Gulf but skipped Jerusalem. Still, Mr Netanyahu kept working on the president, reminding him how Iran had plotted to assassinate him, building the case for war. Meanwhile, Mr Trump's patience was wearing thin with Iran, which appeared to be stalling for time. By late May, US intelligence agencies concluded that Mr Netanyahu had decided to seize the initiative. In a classified assessment shared with the White House, they warned that Israel was planning to strike Iran's nuclear programme imminently – with or without US support. President Trump frantically called Mr Netanyahu to dissuade him, according to the New York Times. But this time, it was the once risk-averse Israeli leader who would not be moved. As Mr Trump deliberated with his top military advisors, Mr Netanyahu gave the order. On Monday June 9, he told his military chiefs to proceed. The following day, he phoned Mr Trump. The president did not endorse the operation – but, unlike in April, he said he would no longer stand in Israel's way. The US began evacuating its embassies in the Gulf. Britain warned commercial shipping to exercise caution. Pentagon pizza orders soared. Launch day Late that night, nearly 200 aircraft – mostly F-35 stealth fighters and F-16s – took off from bases in southern Israel, flying through Jordanian and Syrian airspace. Just after midnight on Friday June 13, they struck more than 100 targets inside Iran. 'Operation Rising Lion', one of the most anticipated campaigns in the history of modern warfare, was underway. Israeli jets hit Iranian missile factories, air defence systems, military bases, and the Natanz uranium enrichment facility, 135 miles south-east of Tehran. But this was more than just an air campaign. A breathtaking covert intelligence operation was unfolding in tandem. Months earlier, Mossad agents had infiltrated deep into Iran, establishing a concealed drone base near Tehran. For weeks, operatives had smuggled in explosives and commercial quadcopter drones hidden in false-bottomed suitcases and civilian vehicles. As Israeli aircraft approached Iranian airspace, the teams launched their drones, targeting missile launchers and air defence batteries – an operation echoing Ukraine's recent 'Spider's Web' attack on Russia's strategic bomber fleet. The combined assault devastated both Iran's ability to defend itself and to strike back. Simultaneously, a mass-assassination campaign involving drones, airstrikes and sabotage, was underway, aiming to decapitate Iran's nuclear and military leadership. Within hours, four of Iran's most senior generals were dead, including Hossein Salami, commander of the elite Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and Mohammed Bagheri, the armed forces chief. So, too, were many top nuclear scientists. Believing Israel would delay its strike until after another round of talks in Oman, they had remained in their homes, rather than retreating to designated underground bunkers. Most were killed in their beds – victims of a separate covert mission reportedly codenamed 'Operation Narnia'. Within days, as many as 20 senior military officers and 14 nuclear scientists were confirmed dead. Those who survived received chilling telephone calls from Persian-speaking Mossad agents. 'I can advise you now, you have 12 hours to escape with your wife and child. Otherwise you're on the list right now,' one spy told a senior general in a recording obtained by the Washington Post. 'We're closer to you than your own neck vein. Put this in your head. May God protect you.' Back in Jerusalem, Benjamin Netanyahu was jubilant. 'We are at a decisive moment in Israel's history,' he said in a national address. 'This operation will continue for as many days as it takes to remove this threat.' Iran strikes back Over the next few days, Israel hit further nuclear sites. Explosions rocked Tehran, a city of ten million people, killing more than 600 civilians, according to official figures. One missile struck state television, shattering windows as the on-air anchor denounced Israeli aggression. She fled mid-broadcast. As cars exploded mysteriously and attacks on energy infrastructure plunged parts of the capital into darkness, residents began to flee, choking motorways in hours-long traffic jams. With fuel rationed, many were stranded. Suitcase-clutching families stood on the roadside, pleading for taxis. Meanwhile, Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was in hiding, issuing defiant recorded statements from an undisclosed location. Mr Netanyahu had proposed assassinating him. Mr Trump vetoed the plan to kill him – but was otherwise deeply impressed by the scale and success of Israel's offensive. He began to consider whether the US should help finish the job by targeting Fordow, Iran's most fortified uranium-enrichment facility, buried deep inside a mountain. Iran, meanwhile, was fighting back – but in a more limited fashion than many had feared. For years, military analysts had warned that any attack on Iran's nuclear facilities would trigger region-wide retaliation: attacks on Israel for sure, but also on US bases in the Middle East, energy infrastructure and cities in the Gulf, even shipping in the Strait of Hormuz. But Tehran, wary of bringing the US directly into the conflict, concentrated its fire on Israel. Ballistic missiles rained down on cities including Tel Aviv and Haifa. Israel's multi-tiered air defences intercepted approximately 85 per cent of Iran's missiles. Some were always expected to get through, but the interception rate fell short of best-case projections, perhaps reflecting Iranian advances in countermeasures –ranging from more manoeuvrable re-entry vehicles and decoy warheads, to electronic jamming designed to confuse radar and disrupt missile tracking systems. The warheads that did penetrate – including one that struck a tower block near the IDF headquarters in Tel Aviv – landed with such force, and caused such extensive damage, that they sparked widespread consternation. Many Israelis had believed their air defences were so sophisticated they would fend off everything Iran had to throw at them. The attacks killed 28 people, injured more than 1,300, levelled apartment blocks, knocked out an oil refinery, and damaged a major hospital in the southern city of Beersheba. Israelis rushed to bomb shelters every few hours. Yet the damage fell far short of earlier projections. In 2011, Israeli generals estimated that war with Iran could kill more than 10,000 Israeli civilians. That toll never materialised. With Hezbollah unwilling to join the fight and Hamas degraded, Iran was left to rely on its 2,000-3,000 stockpile of ballistic missiles. Iran reportedly planned to launch 1,000 on the first night of retaliation, hoping to overwhelm Israel's defences. But so many of its launchers had been destroyed that fewer than 200 were fired. In subsequent nights, barrages fell to around 30 a night. The US joins the war Back in Washington, Mr Trump faced a dilemma. Just weeks earlier, in Riyadh, he had condemned US military entanglements in the region. He would never intervene in a Middle Eastern war, he vowed, and pledged to work towards a diplomatic solution with Iran. He even played his Saudi hosts a video of Ali Shamkhani, Khamenei's top nuclear advisor, proposing a new deal – evidence, he claimed, of Iran's sincerity. Yet Mr Shamkhani was now fighting for his life in a Tehran hospital after Israel had tried to kill him, and president Trump's diplomatic outreach lay in ruins. The case for US intervention was also growing. Israel had performed better on the battlefield than even the most optimistic assessments. Yet only America's 30,000 lb, bunker-busting Massive Ordnance Penetrator had a real chance of destroying Fordow. At the G7 summit in Canada last week, Western leaders believed Mr Trump remained committed to diplomacy. But on Monday June 16, he abruptly left the summit and began issuing stark ultimatums, demanding the regime's 'unconditional surrender' and warning Khamenei that the US knew where he was hiding. By then, the decision had already been made. In the early hours of Sunday morning, Mr Trump gave the final go-ahead. Operation Midnight Hammer was underway. Concerned that the president's increasingly bellicose public pronouncements might alert Iran to an impending strike, US military strategists devised a ruse to try to throw Iran off the scent. Two groups of B-2 stealth bombers departed simultaneously from the Whiteman Airbase in Missouri. One headed west over the Pacific with its transponders switched – allowing it to be tracked by commercial satellite services. It quickly garnered international attention. But it was a decoy. The real strike force, a formation of seven B-2s, flew unnoticed across the Atlantic, their transponders off. Escorted by a fleet of fourth-and-fifth fighter jets, they crossed into Iranian airspace undetected. Moments later, they dropped 12 bunker-busters on Fordow and another two on Natanz. A converted Ohio-class submarine in the Arabian Sea fired 30 Tomahawk missiles at Natanz and a nuclear complex near the ancient city of Isfahan. Mr Trump quickly declared victory: Iran's nuclear programme had been ' completely and utterly obliterated '. Satellite images of Fordow soon emerged, showing precise strike points at tunnel entrances and ventilation shafts – the site's most vulnerable spots struck by the bombs, whose reinforced steel alloy casings allowed them to burrow into the rock before detonating more than 100 feet below the surface. Each B-2 dropped two bombs in succession on the same coordinates, a tactic designed to maximise damage and increase the likelihood of reaching Fordow's deeply buried centrifuge halls. But while the imagery confirmed where the bombs had landed, it revealed little about the extent of the internal damage. Earlier satellite photos showing convoys of trucks leaving the site in the days before the attacks suggest that Iran may have removed stockpiles of highly enriched uranium and other sensitive equipment in anticipation. Iran retaliates and path to peace After the strikes, the region held its breath. Would Iran escalate or was it too damaged to continue. For 36 hours there was silence. Then, on Monday evening, Western embassies in Qatar issued urgent warnings to their citizens to 'shelter in place'. The Gulf kingdom closed its airspace. Iran's retaliation was on its way in the form of 14 missiles – one for each bunker-buster dropped – aimed at Al Udeid, the largest US airbase in the Middle East. But the airbase had been evacuated. Iran had quietly passed warnings through intermediaries, giving the US time to pull personnel and Qatar to activate its air defences. All 14 missiles were intercepted. Iran's retaliation, a show purely for domestic consumption, was over. Iran's promises to 'shock and awe' its enemies once again fell short. Tehran's message was received and understood in the White House. Mr Trump wanted out, too, anxious to avoid entanglement in the kind of 'forever war' he had once campaigned against. He announced a 'complete and total' ceasefire, congratulating both sides for their 'stamina, courage and intelligence' to end what he dubbed 'the 12-day war'. Each side would remain 'peaceful' and 'respectful', he insisted, before boarding Air Force One bound for a Nato summit at The Hague. Yet the ceasefire quickly came under strain. Hours later, Israel struck an Iranian radar after accusing Tehran of firing three missiles in breach of the truce. There are reasons for both sides to stop fighting. Iran's military is reeling, its leadership tottering. It may well prefer to live to fight another day. Israel, having reportedly struck most of the targets on its initial list, may well have been about to declare victory anyway. And Mr Netanyahu may prefer not to defy president Trump. The ceasefire may therefore hold. Whether a long-term peace proves durable depends on a single question: how badly has Iran's nuclear programme been hurt? It is a question no-one can yet answer. Humiliated and weakened, Iran may decide it needs a nuclear bomb more than ever. If it still has the capacity, it may now race to build one. The first phase of Israel's confrontation with Iran may be over. But greater trouble could lie ahead.

Netanyahu has a chance to end Gaza war and cement his power
Netanyahu has a chance to end Gaza war and cement his power

Telegraph

time18 minutes ago

  • Telegraph

Netanyahu has a chance to end Gaza war and cement his power

As Tel Aviv emerged from the bomb shelters on Tuesday morning, there was a brief surge of hope – but it didn't last long. 'It's over,' said a well-to-do woman who had moved from her 16th-floor apartment a few miles away to the hotel where I am staying, for the sanctuary of its safe room. The ceasefire meant life could return to normal, she said. She would return to her own apartment and start to travel again. 'Athens – it has the most beautiful hotel rooftops, with amazing wine,' she said. We exchanged numbers and said we'd text each other if parties broke out later in the day. After 12 intense days of fighting, we agreed the ceasefire was likely to be celebrated. You could call us – and Donald Trump – naive and you would be right, but it felt like a moment that Benjamin Netanyahu might exploit to wrap things up and run again. Yes, four civilians had just been killed in Be'er Sheva and others in Tehran, but Mr Netanyahu's Israel was on the front foot. Hamas has been all but wiped out militarily, ditto Hezbollah in Lebanon. Most important of all, Iran – the head of the octopus – has been crippled. What better time, then, for the Israeli prime minister – known as 'Mr Iran' – to announce an end to the war in Gaza and bring the remaining 50 hostages home; to make the most of the 'Bibi bounce' and seek to renew his mandate with fresh elections? 'The 12-day war is over, with amazing military achievements and painful costs to the Israeli home front,' said Einav Zangauker, whose son Matan is held hostage in Gaza. He added: 'A general agreement to bring all the hostages home and end the [Gaza] war is the need of the hour – it is the Israeli interest.' This sentiment is reflected nationally. Ever since Israel became directly involved in combatting Iran last April, Mr Netanyahu's popularity has been recovering, says Dahlia Scheindlin, the Israeli political analyst. A recent poll by Agam Labs, a research group affiliated with Hebrew University, found that 70 per cent of the population in Israel (Jews and Arabs combined) supported Israel's attack on Iranian targets on June 13. Yet 75 per cent preferred to end the war in Gaza in exchange for the release of all hostages held by Hamas. 'For six months after Oct 7, neither the popularity of the governing coalition parties, nor Mr Netanyahu's suitability to be prime minister, seemed redeemable in the eyes of the Israeli public,' wrote Ms Scheindlin in Haaretz, the Left-leaning Israeli newspaper, last week. She continued: 'Then Iran and Israel had their first-ever direct military confrontation – and Israelis viewed the outcome as a win. The combination bolstered Netanyahu's recovery.' To be clear, there is no certainty that Mr Netanyahu would win if he called an election. There are reports he and his inner circle are weighing up snap elections in light of his attack on Iran, according to Channel 12. He does not have to go to the polls until October next year if he so chooses. But what he must decide soon is how best to consolidate his Iran advantage and minimise the nightmare that is Gaza – what Ms Scheindlin describes as Israel's 'dirty war'. No one knows how to surf storm waves better than Mr Netanyahu, but it has felt in the past 48 hours since the strike on Fordow that an exit plan was coming together. Yesterday, he promised there would be no 'war of attrition' with Iran (a widespread fear here), and that the war in Gaza might be nearing a conclusion. 'Peace through strength,' he said on the night of the US strikes. 'First comes strength, then comes peace.' But in wrapping the war up, he faces two big obstacles. First, the military establishment here is not convinced Iran has lost all its nuclear capability. That sentiment was backed up by a preliminary classified US report that said the American bombing did not collapse Iran's underground buildings. US officials told the New York Times the strikes had only set back Iran's nuclear programme by a few months and Iran could still make a bomb within half a year. Second, Mr Netanyahu's Right-wing coalition partners would not be happy with any deal in Gaza short of its full annexation. It was no doubt the former obstacle the prime minister had in mind last night when, just hours after a ceasefire deadline had been agreed with Mr Trump, he ordered the air force to make the most of the last few hours and launch one of the biggest bombing raids yet on Iran. 'They don't know what the f--- they're doing!' To be fair, fighting almost always accelerates as ceasefire deadlines loom, but Mr Trump – a war romantic – did not see it that way, much less so the bombing that went beyond it. Losing his temper with both parties on the White House lawn, he raged: 'Israel, as soon as we made the deal, they came out and they dropped a load of bombs, the likes of which I've never seen before. The biggest load that we've seen. 'I'm not happy with Israel… I'm not happy with Iran either. But I'm really unhappy if Israel is going out this morning, because of one rocket that didn't land.' 'You know what? We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the f--- they're doing!' Mr Netanyahu quickly attempted a reverse ferret, calling his fighter jets to return, ordering an outright ban on any of his ministers talking to the media, and having his office issue a statement suggesting his early morning call with the president had been cordial. 'President Trump expressed his great appreciation for Israel,' it read. The trouble with all this as regards a triumphant end to the war and a dash for the polls (if indeed that was ever planned), is that it is no way to start. As Israelis never tire of saying, this is a place that demands strength of its leaders, and Bibi has been very publicly slapped down. By evening, the mood here was once again muted, and I suspect my friend with the apartment will be back in the hotel, close to a bomb shelter this evening. Certainly there have been no texts about celebrations. It seems that Mr Netanyahu has squandered another opportunity to bring this near 19-month conflict to an end. This time, however, it seems more by mistake than design.

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