Palestinian children sent back to war-ravaged Gaza after medical treatment in Jordan
Earlier this year she was evacuated from Gaza to Jordan along with her baby daughter Niveen, who desperately needed open-heart surgery.
"The treatment was excellent, she underwent surgery and the preparation was thorough," Enas told the ABC.
"The doctors in Jordan, at a specialised hospital, were highly dedicated."
Enas and Niveen left Gaza in March, while a ceasefire was in force. They have returned to an intense bombardment, with the family now living in a tent in "suffocating heat".
"We were deeply afraid of returning, coming back to war and fear," Enas said.
"We would have preferred not to come back at this time — a ceasefire would have made things easier."
Enas also said her daughter, who was born with a hole in her heart, had been sent back to Gaza before her treatment was completed — a claim Jordanian authorities have denied.
"I was not able to obtain her medical records, which are essential for continuing her care," she said.
"Of course I missed my children, my family, my parents and the ones I love in Gaza — yet … I fear for my daughter.
"I am afraid that her health deteriorates — she is not gaining weight, I fear she'll experience heart failure."
Niveen was among the first of a planned 2,000 Gazan children to be evacuated from the enclave and taken to Jordan for medical treatment.
Now those children have started being sent back to the war-ravaged strip, despite protests from their families. Some parents, such as Enas, also claim their children have been sent back to Gaza before their medical treatment was finished.
The ABC first met Enas and Niveen when they were brought into Jordan in early March.
It had taken the ambulances a full day's travel cross-country from the European Hospital in southern Gaza before arriving at the King Hussein border crossing in the West Bank.
But relief was etched across the young mother's face, despite the arduous journey. Her daughter, then just five months old, was finally getting help.
The return trip in mid-May was very different.
"The situation was terrifying as we made our way back," she said.
"We had to stop constantly along the road, I had no diapers, no milk for her, and not even water to keep her hydrated."
Along the way, Enas received distressing news. Her husband and their other children were injured in an attack while waiting for their return to the European Hospital.
Then they arrived at the Gaza border and were searched by Israelis, who confiscated personal belongings before letting them cross.
The Jordanian government said it was "unfortunately true" that Gazans had been searched.
Enas and Niveen were not the only ones sent back into a war zone.
Mohammed Qatoush and his nine-year-old son, Abdul, were in the same convoy that returned to Gaza from Jordan in mid-May.
Abdul lost a leg in an Israeli air strike and needed a prosthesis fitted by doctors in Jordan.
But Mohammed said Abdul's new prosthetic leg was too big for him.
"When we fit a prosthetic leg, it's meant to avoid causing any damage to his remaining limb," Mohammed said.
"However, this prosthetic is 2 centimetres longer than it should be.
"We informed the doctors about the issue, but they gave the excuse that he would grow taller."
Mohammed said the doctors insisted the larger prosthetic would last four to five years without needing to be replaced.
"This means he's essentially stuck with it for four years, which could lead to additional problems with his hips," he said.
"They address one issue, only to create another that will need treatment."
Worried about his son's wellbeing, Mohammed sought other medical opinions in Jordan.
"I met with Belgian doctors who examined the prosthetic — they informed me that using this particular prosthetic could cause long-term damage to his joint," he said.
"We were deceived — instead of allowing us to complete our treatment, they brought us back to Gaza where the European Hospital was bombed.
"I am truly grateful to the people of Jordan for their kindness, but the government did not provide any support for our expenses."
Mohammed and Abdul's journey back from Jordan was also scarring.
Israeli security contractors searched them when they were re-entering Gaza, Mohammed said.
"We were freaking out," he said.
"My son was under the seat in the bus.
"They stopped the Jordanian bus that was taking us — 10 Jeeps surrounded us, they were pointing their guns at us, the children were terrorised."
Israel's defense ministry confirmed searches were carried out.
"During the security check of Gaza residents returning from medical treatment in Jordan, some individuals were found carrying undeclared cash amounts exceeding normal limits," it said in a statement.
"The funds, suspected of being intended for terrorist use within Gaza, are being held while the circumstances are investigated."
Jordanian officials said it was made clear to Palestinians being evacuated that they would have to return after completing their medical treatment "to allow Jordan to bring more patients".
Seventeen children and their escorts were returned in mid-May, and another 10 Palestinian children needing cancer treatment have been evacuated from Gaza since.
"Jordan's policy is to support Palestinians' steadfastness on their homeland, and not to contribute in any way to their displacement," Minister of Government Communication and Government spokesperson Mohammad Momani said in a statement.
"These patients were brought to Jordan and returned to Gaza under the same circumstances."
Mr Momani said it was "completely false" to suggest the children were returned to Gaza without finishing their medical treatment, and were not appropriately supported in Jordan.
"They all received the best medical care at Jordan's top hospitals, and their families were provided with the best possible accommodations," he said.
"Some of these patients underwent delicate surgeries, and they are all in good health now."
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ABC News
17 hours ago
- ABC News
Gazan university students restart their lives in Australia with support to study in Western Sydney
Hala Alsammak has been through far more than most 20-year-olds. Nine months ago, she packed up her life in Gaza and made the difficult decision to start afresh in Australia. "Leaving everything behind and coming here wasn't an easy decision … It's a very difficult thing because all of us now [have to] start from the beginning," Ms Alsammak said. When Hamas launched its attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, Ms Alsammak was in the first week of a business degree. In the months following, she went on to look after young children in Gaza and Egypt who had lost their families in the war. "As much as I helped them, they helped me," Ms Alsammak said. "I started working with children who came from trauma — I taught them how to deal with this life and how to express their feelings [through] small things, by art, drawing, playing drums." Now in Sydney on a humanitarian visa, Ms Alsammak is among approximately 35 Palestinian students being supported to study at Western Sydney University (WSU) on a scholarship program for students fleeing conflict. She has just weeks remaining of an English course, with plans to enrol in a psychology degree afterwards and specialise in children's music therapy. "When I came here, I didn't have that much confidence to speak in English … this course was like a chance for us." Gazans Tala Hakoura and Michael Helal have also been supported to study at WSU. Ms Hakoura arrived in Australia in March 2024 with her father and brother. Her mother and sister remain in Gaza, cheering Ms Hakoura on in her studies. "I promised them that I want to study hard to get high marks … so when they hear my name [I] feel proud, that I'm doing it," the 20-year-old said. Her father owned a jewellery store, running in the family since 1938, but it has since been reduced to rubble. "All Gazans know his shop … but we lost everything," Ms Hakoura said, though her family are adamant on remaining "positive" amid the "very stressful" situation. "We are Palestinian. We can handle anything." Mr Helal was studying computer science before he fled alongside his parents and brother, arriving in Sydney over a year ago. The 23-year-old still vividly remembers when he and his peers took shelter from bombardments in a Gazan church. His university campus was destroyed. "I went out to the streets, and I did not recognise any of the surroundings and that's when I thought, 'This is going to take too long to fix, and it's probably for the best to leave'," Mr Helal said. His parents' home had been damaged by bombardment too. After being interrupted two years into his degree, Mr Helal was able to transfer subject credits and start midway through the course at WSU upon his arrival. He hopes to secure an internship towards the end of his degree and work in artificial intelligence once he completes university. "Most of all, I'm really happy because I'm getting somewhere. During the entire six months I sat during the war I was wondering, 'What's going to happen? Am I going to continue here? Is it going to be done soon? Am I leaving? Am I studying out there? Am I going to be able to study in Australia?'" According to a 2024 report from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, there is a decline in the proportion of refugees that receive education as age increases. Around 65 per cent of refugees study at a secondary level. This rate drops to 7 per cent for tertiary education. Chief executive officer of Refugee Education Australia and UNSW Kaldor Centre research affiliate Sally Baker said education was one of the first aspects of society to be "ruptured" during conflict. "Fractured educational trajectories are common for people seeking asylum," Professor Baker said. The United Nations Children's Fund estimates 90 per cent of all schools in Gaza are damaged or destroyed, with schools being used as shelter for survivors. Professor Baker described education as "the key to hope" for young refugees. "Having access to a form of education is absolutely fundamental to someone feeling hopeful about their future and not just focus on surviving in the moment," she said. Now that Ms Hakoura has completed an English course, she hopes to start a business degree and one day reopen her family jewellery store to continue her dad's legacy. "New people, new culture, new relationships, new traditions, like everything is new, so it was hard … but we are adaptive to everything," she said.
SBS Australia
19 hours ago
- SBS Australia
Australia may be called on to help with a Palestinian state, but how would it function?
When the first of the Oslo Accords were signed on the White House lawn more than 30 years ago, there was hope within the international community that the Israeli-Palestinian agreement would establish a foundation of peace in a land marked by "warfare and hatred". Then-United States president Bill Clinton described it as a "brave gamble", contending the future could be better than the past. It was signed by then-Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin and then-Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) chair Yasser Arafat. As part of the agreement, the PLO recognised Israel and its citizens' right to live in peace, and in turn, Israel recognised the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people. It also led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA), which was to act as an interim government in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. (Left to right) Then-Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, then-US president Bill Clinton, then-Palestine Liberation Organization chair Yasser Arafat and former US secretary of state Warren Christopher pose during the signing of the Oslo peace accord in 1993. Source: Getty / Dirck Halstead But the promise of the PA to establish Palestinian self-governance stalled after Rabin was assassinated in 1995 by a Jewish extremist. Twenty years later, the latest bloody conflict — on October 7 2023 — has led to an escalation of the ongoing war in Gaza. Much rests now on the PA, as Arab and Western countries move towards recognising a Palestinian state, and its future role in governing Gaza once the war ends. But how would politics under the PA work? Who represents the Palestinian people? This week, Australia announced its intention to recognise a Palestinian state at the United Nations General Assembly in September, following similar announcements from France, Canada and the United Kingdom. A joint statement released by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Foreign Minister Penny Wong says Australia's recognition will contribute to international momentum towards a two-state solution, a ceasefire in Gaza and the release of hostages. "The international community is moving to establish a Palestinian state consistent with a two-state solution," the joint statement reads. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has announced Australia will recognise Palestinian statehood in September. Source: AAP / Dean Lewins In response, the Opposition spokesperson for foreign affairs, Michaelia Cash, raised the question of whether it was even possible for Australia to recognise Palestinian statehood. "He's [Albanese's] now committed Australia to recognising as a state — an entity with no agreed borders, no single government in effective control of its territory and no demonstrated capacity to live in peace with its neighbours," she told ABC's Radio National Breakfast program. International law expert at the Australian National University, Professor Donald Rothwell, believes the Palestinian territories do satisfy the Montevideo Convention criteria for statehood: that it has a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and capacity to enter into relations with other states. While the boundaries of a Palestinian state are contested by some, Rothwell says this is not exceptional, pointing to the recent boundary dispute between Cambodia and Thailand, and so wouldn't preclude formal statehood. The PA could also be seen as a legitimate government, even though there are doubts about its effectiveness, Rothwell says. Even if the legal criteria are met, he says the decision on whether a Palestinian state could be ratified is subject to a "diplomatic and political equation". For example, Taiwan also meets all the criteria of the Montevideo Convention, but its statehood is not recognised by the vast majority of the international community, including Australia, for political and diplomatic reasons. Perceptions of the Palestinian Authority Australia is just one of the countries that appears to be relying on the PA being an authoritative representative of the Palestinian people. In his statement flagging Australia's recognition of Palestinian statehood, Albanese said the country's position is "predicated on the commitments we have received from the Palestinian Authority". "The world is seizing the opportunity of major new commitments from the Palestinian Authority, including to reform governance, terminate prisoner payments, institute schooling reform, demilitarise and hold general elections," he said. He said the PA had also restated its recognition of Israel's right to exist. "The president of the Palestinian Authority has reaffirmed these commitments directly to the Australian government," Albanese said. The statement appears to acknowledge concerns around the PA and how it has operated in the past. In July, the US state department announced it would introduce sanctions against officials of the PA and members of the PLO, for continuing to support terrorism, including the incitement and glorification of violence (especially in textbooks), and providing payments and benefits in support of terrorism to Palestinian terrorists and their families. Professor Greg Barton, chair of global Islamic politics at Deakin University, says the PA is widely seen as corrupt and incompetent. For 20 years, it has been led by Mahmoud Abbas, who will turn 90 in November. Abbas was originally elected for a four-year term, but his rule was extended indefinitely after a vote by the PLO Central Council in 2009. It's remained an old school kind of family concern with power centred around some individuals, who are now very aged. "That's not to say the PA hasn't done any good, but the perception among the Palestinian people is that it's been slow to share the resources that have been given to it," Barton says. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will be turning 90 later this year. Source: AAP / Alaa Badarneh/EPA In an interview with SBS News this week, PA foreign minister Varsen Aghabekian Shahin, said the authority is committed to reform and conducting elections. She said Abbas also wants a demilitarised Palestinian state in the future, but these guarantees could only be delivered if there is a ceasefire in Gaza. Once the Palestinian Authority is enabled to govern in Gaza — when that situation materialises on the ground — the people will see a different kind of future, rather than today's reality, which is plagued by killing, destruction [and] starvation. Palestinian Authority has been 'undermined' Barton says while the PA has acted as its own enemy in many ways, it has also been undermined by Israel. "It's partly their fault ... and partly because of the conditions that Israel has put in place so that it's difficult for them to ever be in a situation where they're going to get popular," he says. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who does not support a two-state solution, said in a speech in February last year: "Everyone knows that it was me who — for decades — has blocked the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger our existence." Netanyahu was also an outspoken critic of the Oslo Accords when he first came to power in 1996, a year after Rabin was assassinated. He is now in his third term as prime minister. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was an outspoken critic of the Oslo Accords when he first came to power in 1996. Source: AAP / Abir Sultan/AP Netanyahu's latest move to take control of Gaza City has also raised concerns internationally, despite his claim that the move would implement a "transitional authority" and "civilian administration" in Gaza, seeking to live in peace with Israel. Shahin said if Israel continues to undermine Abbas, his government and the Palestinian leadership, then Palestinians will continue to lose faith in the PA. "If [they] continue to be undermined through demographic changes by Israel, geographic changes by Israel, through exploitation of our resources, through violation of our rights, then the people would continue to lose trust in a leadership that promised them peace," she said. "We need to see movement on the ground that shows people that there is a light at the end of the tunnel." Barton says settlement expansion in the West Bank, both legal and illegal, is one example of how the Israeli government has sabotaged the PA. "It's just made it very hard for the Palestinian Authority to exercise any real control and to build popular support," he says. No influence in Gaza The PA currently has no authority in Gaza and its administrative centre is based in Ramallah City in the West Bank. Israel pulled out of occupying Gaza in 2005 — the same year Abbas won the presidential election, but the militant political group Hamas won legislative elections in 2006. Fatah, the party that leads the PA, fought a war with Hamas between 2006 and 2007, after failing to reach a power-sharing deal and agreement over control of border crossings. It led to Hamas taking over the Gaza Strip in 2007, which Barton says has meant Fatah leaders and other members of the PA face a degree of persecution in the area. A map showing Gaza, Israel and the West Bank. Credit: SBS News According to the global Islamic politics expert, Hamas had been running Gaza similar to a mafia state before October 7. "They were controlling the economy, intimidating anyone who threatened them, carrying out summary punishment — public executions of people who oppose them — terrifying the population [and] getting people to inform on their neighbours," Barton says. When asked whether Hamas, which is also opposed to a two-state solution, still holds influence over the Palestinian people, Shahin said most of its senior leaders had been targeted and assassinated by Israel, and the rest are most likely outside Gaza. "When people see a change, when people see a move towards peace, when people see a move towards a better life, I think the whole situation will change," she said. There has been widespread destruction in Gaza since a terrorist attack on October 7, 2023 saw Israel engage in an ongoing war with Hamas. Source: Getty / Salah Malkawi Shahin said the PA has no direct contact with Hamas' senior leaders that she knows of. "But I think there are numerous contacts between other intermediaries. Egypt speaks with Hamas, Qatar speaks with Hamas, Türkiye speaks with Hamas, so we have discussions through other entities," she said. Former Australian ambassador to Israel, Dave Sharma, who is now a Liberal senator for NSW, tells SBS News he also doesn't think Hamas has any official communication channels with Israel. "To the extent, [that] diplomatic channels exist, it's through intermediaries like the Egyptians or the Qataris," he says. The importance of other nations Barton says there's a chance the PA can emerge as an authoritative representative of the Palestinian people, but it isn't going to happen "organically" and help is needed. He says the PA could be remade "to bring in new leaders and to build capacity, and bring in accountability mechanisms and turn it into something that's viable". The smartest thing for Abbas to do would be to support a leadership transition rather than oppose it, he says. Barton points to the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip and the massive scale of work that will be required in the aftermath of the war. "It would be with Saudi Arabia, and perhaps with the UAE, and with the support of Jordan and Egypt and with Qatar and possibly Türkiye," he says. That would also require support from Europeans and others, including potentially Australia. Shahin acknowledges the long road ahead to rebuild Gaza. "What is needed in Gaza in 'the day after' is just mind-boggling," she said. "We cannot even begin to imagine the enormity of the need, given the destruction and the devastation, so the more support, the better. "That support will be very much needed in terms of financial support, and in terms of technical support, and in terms of political support in the international arena." Who's going to defend Palestinian state? If a Palestinian state does emerge that is not occupied by the Israel Defence Forces, Rothwell points out, it will also be defenceless. "There's going to be a need for some discussion among this sort of growing group of Western like-minded countries — probably in conjunction with the Arab League — of inserting some sort of security stabilisation force, not only to provide internal security within Palestine, but also to protect Palestine from attacks from its neighbours," he says. Once Palestinian statehood is recognised in September, Rothwell says Australia could enter into legally binding treaties, engage in trade and directly fund aid without going through the UN or other agencies. Perhaps most importantly, Australia can directly contribute to the rebuilding of Gaza, which is going to be an important project at the end of the conflict. Rothwell notes Albanese's statement also hinted at defence force personnel being deployed. "We will work with partners on a credible peace plan that establishes governance and security arrangements for Palestine and ensures the security of Israel," it reads. A turning point Barton says the good intentions of the Oslo process have so far been stymied, but it's possible the world is at an inflection point. "The international community is now at a point where it says we can't allow the Israeli government just to do whatever it wants [even if it's in response to October 7]," he says. "Rebuilding the Gaza Strip is a pressing need." He also points to a statement from the Arab League — including Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Egypt — that calls for Hamas to disarm and relinquish power in the Gaza Strip. This is the first time we've seen such concerted agreement to speak critically of Hamas and recognise that Hamas has no future role to play in Palestine. "That's the first time we've come to this point." Barton says the UN assembly meeting next month will be critical. "Despite the failure for decades [to] bring about change, now might be the beginning in which things begin to change." While the conflict might seem intractable, Barton says there are historical examples of former enemy states, such as Egypt and Jordan, now working together. "It's not as hopeless as it might sound. "There are challenges but they're not insurmountable."
ABC News
a day ago
- ABC News
Donald Trump's Alaska meeting with Vladimir Putin highlights America's erratic diplomacy
There's been a certain surreal quality to the reporting and analysis leading up to the summit in Alaska between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin, a surreal quality that equally infects global issues from Gaza to the US president's global tariff plays. On the one hand, there is the (often incredulous) reporting of the US president's regularly changing positions which, so often, seem driven by nothing more than personal ego and his attempts to shape events into a perceived win or portray them as further evidence that he should win the Nobel Peace Prize. On the other, there is the cold reality that what is at stake in Alaska, just as it is in Gaza and in world markets, is actually deadly serious: whether it has a bearing on the power balance in Europe, starving people who are at risk of mass displacement, or massive disruptions in world trade flows. Other world leaders are rightly anxious about just what Trump might agree to, about the future of another sovereign country, when left in a room with Putin in Alaska. Yet it is a country — and a war — over which he has little control and from which, in fact, he has been purposefully walking away from controlling since he returned to office at the beginning of this year. The United States's pre-eminent position in world affairs for much of the past century has rested on money, its military might, and as the designated 'leader of the free world': the power that leads the strategy of all the other powerful Western democracies. The US president continues to make bold declarations about what he will or won't make happen on the basis that those levers remains utterly pre-eminent; that he maintains that financial, military and moral authority even as we watch every day as the rise of other powers, or his own actions, make all that authority look like more of a delusion than a reality. We are watching the theatre of regular summits and crisis meetings of world leaders that became a standard part of international politics, particularly in the last half century, but it really feels like that now it is people going through the motions without any real sense of anything being seriously expected or achieved. The days of G7, G8 or G20 meetings when Western nations would or could set out agreements for how the world would work are gone. In Trump's first term, people spoke of the G20 turning into the G19 plus one. Someone in recent weeks described the current Trumpian world of international politics as more G minus one. And that is the bit that is both a bit weird, and potentially the salvation from the fluffier-headed bits of Donald Trump's erratic interventions around the globe. Consider Ukraine. It's only a few months ago that Trump cut off military aid — and even other sorts — to Ukraine, then did a deal under which it would be Europeans who would support their besieged neighbour by paying for most of the US military equipment that it so desperately needed. There's something to be said for forcing European nations to increase their defence budgets rather than being virtual free-riders on the defence budget of the United States. But the shift does have a strategic impact: European countries start to think more for themselves and also feel less bound to follow the US in any particular direction. In the past month, we have seen the always strategically ambitious French president Emmanuel Macron trying to lead the discussions, and actions, on Ukraine and Gaza. And now the German chancellor Friedrich Merz has also emerged as a willing player — perhaps the first German leader since Angela Merkel to step up like this. Merz didn't follow other countries down the road of recognising Palestine but instead took the significant material step of announcing a ban on the sale of some military weapons to Israel that might be used in its offensives in Gaza. This week he has led the European push to make sure Trump understood that Europe has Ukraine's back. Various scenarios have been floated about what might happen in Alaska. The Financial Times reports that in the discussion between Trump, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders earlier this week there was talk of a non-NATO peacekeeping force being deployed after any ceasefire to which the US might offer security guarantees (all steps to get around Putin's hostility to both Ukraine joining NATO or NATO having any forces on the ground in Ukraine). While some might see that as delivering Putin's aim of breaking up NATO, it sounds like the determination of Europe to go it alone, if necessary, in supporting Ukraine might make that only partially academic. All these considerations beg the question of how much capacity, really, Trump has to be claiming to be speaking on behalf of Ukraine, or even trading the country away without speaking on its behalf. There will be plenty of analysis of the personal relationship between Trump and Putin: indeed there already has been, with most of it suggesting at the very least that Putin has already "won" the summit by the fact it has been called at all (and on US territory). At worst, the critics say, Putin has already completely "played" the US president's vanity and may yet play him further by raising a whole series of extra distracting issues (about which Putin is not actually serious) like nuclear arms. It would be playing Trump at his own distracting game. The erratic nature of current American diplomacy is highlighted by the fact that Trump has been prepared to junk his relationship with Indian prime minister Narendra Modi — and any goodwill in the US-India relationship — over Russia in recent weeks. India has taken an exceptionally dim view of Trump's decision to impose punitive tariffs because India buys a lot of Russian oil and gas. Yet this week, there was talk of new US-Russian business deals and collaborations. The business trading that has become such a huge aspect of Trump's international adventures suggests one good reason why not even the US president can easily agree to the idea of Russia being allowed to hold on to those parts of Eastern Ukraine that it already occupies. For it is in the east that a lot of the rare earths that Trump has been seeking are located. Agreeing to hand those areas over to Putin would come at a cost to Trump's strategy (let alone what it would mean for people who live there or for European security). Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, has accelerated his incursions into Ukraine with the apparent aim of holding as much ground as possible as a fait accompli if some deal is struck. Israel is adopting the same strategy: announcing a widely condemned move to expand illegal settlements in the West Bank which would split the Palestinian enclave in two. Far-right finance minister Bezalel Smotrich said the plan was "a reality that buries the idea of a Palestinian state, because there's nothing to recognise and no one to recognise it". For now, Trump's failure to effectively intervene in the humanitarian disaster in Gaza, or at least his stop-start pronouncements about what is happening in Israel, have been swamped by the other events in the world. But if he has a strategy, or even a preferred outcome, it is no longer clear. Failing to intervene with Israel in Gaza certainly seems to undermine his earlier ambitions to improve relationships between Israel and other countries in the region like Saudi Arabia. Equally, one of the most perplexing aspects of his global tariffs strategy, and the way he has mixed it up with geo-strategic interests, is his approach to China. China is, after all, the biggest target in Trump's attempts to reconfigure world trade and the world economy. Yet to date his position on tariffs has been to roll over and delay negotiations. There was a further extension to another of the US president's ever-changing deadlines this week when he said the plan to impose tariffs of 145 per cent on China had been put back for a second time by 90 days. That hasn't stopped him imposing heavy "trans-shipment" tariffs on country's that trade heavily with China, or are deeply embedded in China's supply chains. And it hasn't stopped one of the more bizarre and self-harming deals he has done on the international stage: agreeing to allow Nvidia to lift the ban on it selling its H20 microchips to China, in exchange for the government getting a 15 per cent cut of the profits. Microchips are regarded as a huge competitive and strategic issue, and as a result, one of the more powerful bargaining levers Trump could pull whenever the two economic superpowers eventually sit down to resolve their trade differences. Except he has already done a deal on them. China is now playing a very different trade strategy to the one in which Australia got ensnared a few years ago. While it once played hardball by cutting off access to its own markets for other countries, observers have been noting it is now instead playing the trade game by limiting access to things it produces. Around the world, countries are making their own decisions about their best interests. Increasingly, these are not made with the United States in mind, or in spite of, the United States. Laura Tingle is the ABC's Global Affairs Editor.
